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Open Thread on the Roberts Hearings:
Any thoughts? Reactions? Comment away.
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First, when discussing an implied right of action case, he said that although he found a right of action to be lacking, the analytical question was whether Congress "intended" to a law to provide a private remedy. This approach differs from Scalia's, who would only find a private right of action if the statute clearly provides one. Second, Roberts said that legislative findings are important and helpful (context: discussion of abrogation cases).
Do y'all think Roberts will look to legislative history? (Please ignore the question whether he should, since that has been discussed in numerous other fora, and we all know the arguments pro and con.)
I think these hearings are a joke.
::Seems to be more of a formalist than most people probably give him credit for.
::Give him credit for navigating Griswold with care. He said he agrees with the conclusion, but not necessarily with the legal reasoning involved in reaching that conclusion. He even added that he supports marital privacy. However, he has indicated that he would support legal decisions he did not agree with. Thus, Roberts handled this question with great skill, so much so that the questioner was satisfied with his response and moved on.
Also, what do you make of Kennedy not doing as he promised and not questioning Roberts handling of Katrina?
All 4 of them are talking so much that Roberts could sit back and have a beer if he wanted to.
And I want the Court to change its mind on lots of things.
Yours,
Wince
Your name in comment two is a hyperlink to your blog post. I apparently linked it here one minute before you did. It's a good post.
--NR
It puts him at least to the left of Thomas.
Re: implied right of actions I'd like for Roberts to say, "Hey dumb ass, if you had drafted those statutes properly, those people could have sued. Go fire a staffer and get off my back." Or something like that.
You're reading too much into these hearings. The answers he gave were intended to minimize the opposition to his nomination, not to give an accurate reflection of his judicial views.
He's not telling the whole truth, let's put it that way.
I find it difficult to believe that Roberts simply decided over the last eight weeks that every controversial thing he's ever written was wrong.
It's either Roberts or Bush at this point....somebody is lying.
I'm sorry?
And yes, I agree we're not getting the "whole truth." But his answers certainly make it seem not-so-likely he'll turn out like Thomas.
He did, I think- a Lindgren post?
I'd say that's a logical fallacy; it's not an either/or scenario. It's not as simple as "he lied, she lied". Bush said he would appoint strict constructionists, not Thomas-clones. Roberts, in my opinion, fits that description.
That's interesting, because Justice Jackson's approach in Youngstown is certainly much more skeptical of Presidential power-- especially in the face of Congressional action-- than the Bush Administration's positions have been. For instance, a court following Justice Jackson's approach would be very unlikely to find that the President has the power to order someone tortured in violation of a Congressional statute and a Congressionally-ratified treaty, and that is the position that the Bush Administration took in the infamous "torture memo".
I think a lot of people have assumed that Roberts is going to be pretty deferential to the President's exercise of the commander-in-chief power based on his participation in the Hamdan case and the memos he wrote while in the executive branch. I am not so sure anymore-- the true conservative fetishists of executive power, the John Yoos and Clarence Thomases and Ruth Wedgewoods of the world, tend to think the Youngstown case was wrongly decided or should be narrowly construed.
We are left to guess, since he claims he doesn't have a philosophy. Bush did lie. He said his favorite justices were Scalia and Thomas, and he'd appoint judges like them. Nobody expects a clone, but someone who rejects judicial philosophy as an academic vice is far from a Scalia or a Thomas.
"Claims" would be the key word there. And I fail to understand the fixation on the idea that Bush must have lied simply because Roberts didn't go Rambo on the committee.
Actually, we felt that our IEEE amicus brief in Festo v. Kabushiki made a difference. It staked out a middle position (on the technical question of Doctrine of Equivalents in patent law), that the Court seemed to endorse. I was on the IEEE IP committee at the time, which provided input and authorized it, but most of the work was done by Andrew Greenberg and the firm he was working for, pro bono.
Obviously, the US SG briefs matter as "just amici," often more than the party briefs, depending on the party.
Next, State govt amici matter, both in the USSC, and maybe more so when a State files in its own Supreme Court, perhaps on a matter of State law in case in which the private parties' interests don't coincide with the State view. (Here, the State is more like the US SG is in the US SC). The USSC has asked about State amici at argument, and has cited them in decisions.
Next, certain institutional-player briefs do matter in certain cases. Probably the best recent example was the amicus in Bollinger, re U Mich affirmative action, by the retired military officers. Carter Phillips at Sidley wrote it, and the Court asked about it at argument, calling it Carter's brief.
Of course, even these players may sometimes waste a tree. And of course, the shrill interest-group amici, esp. in the cases with dozens of briefs, are silly, but that should not take away from the ones I've listed above.
And yes, I've written may. Some mattered, and some likely didn't. But the booklets look pretty.
And God, most of the senators are just talking through their whole half hour - Democrats doing their best to beat their chests, and Republicans giving Roberts a bottle when asking about "what do appelate courts do?"
Justice Scalia was one of the key figures when I was trying to work out my views on law and the constitution, and for me, the constitution comes before party line, but let's face it: the Bush administration and its supporters never saw a means they didn't like to an end they wanted, and it suddently seems depressingly clear that many of those who lionize Scalia know even less about his jurisprudence than those on the other side who demonize him.
I am far from impressed with Roberts so far. At best, he is another Rehnquist. At worst, he's another Kennedy.
Glum in Indiana.
2. I loved seeing Sen. Schumer on Larry King stating that he was happy that Judge Roberts believed in the 14th Amendment. While he was probably expressing that he was happy that Judge Roberts believes in substantive due process, to the untrained ear it could certainly sound like Sen. Schumer was suprised Judge Roberts believed in a properly passed and ratified constitutional amendment. You have to love misleading grandstanding.
Bull. Absent a filibuster, a Scalia or Thomas like conservative would easily meet the 50 vote minimum. This isn't 1987 with Robert Bork going against a Democratic Senate.
I want to like Roberts. A lot of what he's written suggests he's a pretty solid conservative. But I don't want to have to guess. Why should Conservatives have to play Russian Roulette AGAIN (O'Connor, Souter, Kennedy)? Bush missed a golden opportunity in not appointing Scalia to CJ, where he could shred the Schumers and Bidens before the American people, and vindicate originalism.
Instead we get a guy pathetically running from his links to the Federalist Society, and refusing to identify himself with any judicial philosophy whatsoever. Forgive me if I don't have a "man crush" like Orin Kerr.
If Scalia - and I find it doubtfull that we will see anything even approaching his like again - can be confirmed unanimously, why not any other originalist?
Simply skating by with a minimum number of votes is not the goal.
If Scalia - and I find it doubtfull that we will see anything even approaching his like again - can be confirmed unanimously, why not any other originalist?
Depends on who's seat they're filling. Also depends on the nominee's personality. The situation heavily favors Roberts in both respects.
Why not? We should get the most consistent, committed orginalist/textualist which will achieve a majority. This is preferrable to getting a squish who gets 70 or 80 votes.
Because it pre-judges future cases? But does that mean that all 9 justices in morrison were prejudging future cases? If they make their opinion known, why can't he? It makes no sense to me. Sure, they did it as part of a case-by-case, judicial decisionmaking process. But he has access to all of the same materials that they did. So why can't he just tell us how he would have voted? It's complete and total bulls**t that he won't.
And it's no answer to say that previous nominees did the same thing -- that just means that EVERYBODY is full of s**t.