Randolph on Friendly on Abortion:
The Federalist Society has posted the text of Judge Ray Randolph's recent speech (mentioned by Juan here) about Judge Henry Friendly's never-published abortion opinion. Thanks to Michael Cernovich for the link.
Also, what's up with the claim that Griswold wasn't enforced? You couldn't open a birth control clinic like Planned Parenthood in Connecticut because of it.
This is a very disturbing view of medical privacy. Since a doctor and nurse know about a medical procedure, the patient cannot claim any privacy rights? It is one thing to argue that the state's interest in the preservation of life is greater than the patient's right of privacy, and quite another to argue that no right of medical privacy exists at all.
This is a very disturbing view of medical privacy. Since a doctor and nurse know about a medical procedure, the patient cannot claim any privacy rights? It is one thing to argue that the state's interest in the preservation of life is greater than the patient's right of privacy, and quite another to argue that no right of medical privacy exists at all.
2. I found the speech interesting, in that I knew Roy Lucas before his death a few years ago. I knew he'd played a role in Roe v. Wade, he mentioned it, but didn't realize before this just how important a role (nor that he'd been a law prof. at one point).
With all due respect to Judge Randolph (whom I consider to be a thoughtful and responsible jurist), I'm not sure that the substance of his speech (beyond reading Friendly's draft, that is) offers anything new to the criticism of substantive due process doctrine that hasn't existed since Holmes's dissent in Lochner and the immediate aftermath of Roe. In short, he attacks the line-drawing problems, subjectivity, and counter-majoritarian difficulties that judicial enforcement of unenumerated rights entails. And like many of those criticisms, he has a valid point, even if his take on J.S. Mill doesn't resonate with a libertarian crowd.
But as Dk35's concise post shows, what's the alternative? The ol' "leave it to the elected branches" solution, as if theoretically accountable political leaders are fully able to protect individual rights. This view, if it's fair to characterize Randolph's speech in such a manner, perhaps should not surprise anyone, coming as it does from the author of the D.C. Circuit's opinions in Al Odah and Hamdan, which trust the Executive Branch to protect whatever rights suspected terrorists captured abroad might possess.
As such it is rife with straw men and red herrings, and does not even attempt to offer a fair view of the opposition to his personal viewpoint. I find it amusing that he appears to see the Court as some sort of crazy liberal flower-child madhouse.
The synopsis of the Friendly decision was an interesting one; it shows some fair consideration of the issues, and his result is pretty well grounded in the established law at the time.
That you call them "theoretically accountable" is no real concern of the Constitution's nor should it be the particular concern of any judge. That concern is fully ours. The remedy is to return accountability to the process, not turn over that very important duty to judges who are even less accountable to the citizens. The matter isn't necessarily protecting individual rights, but doing the will of the people, consistent with what the Constitution says. If we want there to be more Constitutional rights, we have a very clear and very usable mechanism to amend it.
That was a rather funny speech. The logical conclusion seems to be that we should rip up the constitution and do anything that legislative majorities tell us to do. So much for protected rights...
Leaving lawmaking to the people’s representatives is so crude, so ugly and so unjust. It seems to trouble the legal profession that legislatures would have the power to make laws. It would be so much simpler if we left the lawmaking to judges. This is because judges, as we all know, live on a higher plane. Put a black robe on a garden variety lawyer and something magic happens; that person is endowed with superhuman mental powers, superhuman wisdom, superhuman concern for rights, and the ability to make the lion lay down with the lamb.
That is why the issue of abortion no longer exists.
Oh, it is? Never mind….
If it is up to lawmakers to protect rights why even have a written Constitution?
One must consider that our founders were knowledgeable of the British system and found it wanting.
One must also consider the origins of the IXth Amendment. If such unenumerated rights are unprotectable (the Bork School) why even have such an Amendment?
For instance is eating a right? Could the government declare that all nourishment must be delivered by IV? Or that walking is illegal but getting around on roller skates is not? Or that all procreation must be done by artificial insemination? etc.
Limited government. It still seems like a good idea.
BTW one must understand the difference between universal morality (murder, theft, robbery, fraud) and sectarian morality (abortion, doing business on the sabbath, etc.)
The drug laws are proof perfect that enforcing sectarian morality is a losing proposition. Once agreement on morality drops below 99% enforcement becomes very difficult. Expensive. And in many ways self defeating.
I can understand the position of Libertarians, but Libertarians should be very afraid of Judge made law. They should be very afraid of laws created by an unelected and a virtually irremovable aristocracy.
Maybe a lot, considering his stature.
Maybe very little, considering how easy of a target Griswold is for ridicule and counterarguments.
The speech seems to flow a bit without any natural dividing line. He starts off by saying "hey, J. Friendly wrote a very interesting opinion that was never released," and finishes by saying that the current court is out to write the theories of J.S. Mill and H. Spencer into the Constitution.
I wonder why it's only now that Friendly's papers are public, and I wonder how difficult Randolph and the other Friendly clerks have found it to keep quiet about the opinion.
But I have a lot of trouble with people today, in the world we inhabit, where imaging is high resolution so we can see the fetus taking shape before our eyes, and where we pass laws ("Connor's Law") against murdering a fetus, who persist in pretending that the only thing at stake is our own personal bodily integrity.
Those who are allegedly grown up can make adult choices about avoiding pregnancy. The fetus, at whatever age we define "viability" has no say in the matter. Ever.
OK, if that's your definition of morality.
Or, maybe morality is irrelevant if you are a hyperlibertarian? JS Mill wins, as Randolph noted.
Consider the possibility that our elected officials might be smart enough to avoid these silly extremes. Even (or perhaps especially) Kennedy would vote against that last proposal. Your parade of horribles leads to, for example, a fundamental right to play basketball, which a federal district court actually found in the penumbras several years ago, only to be reversed on appeal (thank goodness).
I for one am not pretending anything. The only thing at stake in abortion is personal bodily integrity. In my opinion, you forcing your religious views on me is, in my book, about as immoral as immoral can be. Irrational beliefs in God (or unicorns, or what have you) may once in a while have a correlation with morality, but nothing more.
2 of the Ten Commandments contain these prohibitions. Perhaps the entire criminal law system imposes religious views on people.
When your "personal bodily integrity" interferes with a fetus's "personal bodily integrity," someone has to make a call as to whether that's allowable or not. There's no scientific consensus on the question of "what is life," so all that is left is competing opinions. Some people's opinions are informed by religion, some from science ("it sure looks like a person after 12 weeks"), etc.
It makes more sense for a legislature to resolve these competing opinions than for a court to say "the opinions of five of us are all that matters"
[1] Gee, so that means that if "legislative majorities tell us" to give the Senate 12-year terms or to make Baptist-ism the state church, originalism or judicial restraint would offer no protection? Would Bork and Scalia go along with laws like this? If not, what's stopping them? Hint: starts with a capital "C".
Can someone with more patience and better paedogogical skills than me explain to dk35 the rather elementary difference between (a) "the Constitution bars majorities from enacting laws of certain types, either explicit in the document or deducible from it by implication", and (b) "the Constitution allows judges to strike down every law that really, really annoys Larry Tribe, Susan Estritch and the New York Times"?
[2] Not that I'm much smarter than dk35, because try as I might, I still can't wrap my head around how restricting abortion can be both (a) "tyranny of the majority" and (b) "outside the mainstream" at the same time. I mean, like, "majority" = "mainstream", right? Assuming that we do count all human adults who are citizens of the USA, and not only those who agree with Larry Tribe, Susan Estritch and the New York Times, right?
If you are referring to the women who would have been penalized for getting abortions, probably some of them would have died during an unsafe (because illegal and thus unregulated and blackmarket) procedure, so that would be fewer to worry about. If you are referencing the theory that crime declined in part because of the decrease in unwanted pregnancies that were brought to term and raised in unloving and incapable homes, perhaps we would cut down on the drug war and resign ourselves to more pot use in return for not expending 10% of GDP on locking people up.
Not that I'm much smarter than dk35, because try as I might, I still can't wrap my head around how restricting abortion can be both (a) "tyranny of the majority" and (b) "outside the mainstream" at the same time. I mean, like, "majority" = "mainstream", right? Assuming that we do count all human adults who are citizens of the USA
Remember that abortion is regulated on a state-by-state level. At the time of Roe, Texas banned abortion completely (and it continues to be a plank of the TX GOP to prohibit abortion with no exceptions even for rape or incest), but California permitted it in most circumstances. Therefore there can be a tyranny of the state majority that is outside the national (all human adults who are citizens of the USA) mainstream. If abortion loses its status as a constitutionally protected right, a minority of states will ban it completely.
This difference created by a federalist system is part of why the British legalized abortion and homosexual sex even as the Supreme Court felt obliged to enforce that on every state; a national Parliament can look at the majority and make its preference law. The Congress cannot do this unless it tries to expand its commerce clause power into areas that are normally for the states -- something the Court has not permitted lately.
Note also that laws that are considered to be enforcing morality can be very difficult to strike from the books, even when a majority of people in the state don't support them. Before Lawrence, Virginia and Georgia both technically prohibited heterosexual oral sex. Does anyone sincerely believe that majorities of adults in those states had a deep-set opposition to such activity? On the other hand, does anyone sincerely believe that the average state legislator has the courage to stand up and become the "Let's Legalize Sodomy" politician?
The drug laws are proof perfect that enforcing sectarian morality is a losing proposition.
This comment makes no sense. The drug laws aren't based on sectarian morality. They're based on people not wanting their loved ones on drugs, regardless of religion; and they're based on millions of people ignorantly believing that banning drugs will reduce crime rather then astronomically increasing crime. What drug laws *are* proof perfect of is that banning high demand items is a losing proposition.
sectarian morality (abortion, doing business on the sabbath, etc.)
You're likening abortion bans to Sunday business bans? Are you kidding? FYI, revulsion over the killing of unborn humans is hardly limited to religious people.
The Constitution does not define a fetus at all. What's your point? Has anyone said that abortion should be banned by the Supreme Court because fetuses are entitled to Constitutional rights? No. People disagree about whether the Constitution prevents the government from restricting a woman's right to abortion.
I don't think dk35 understands any of this debate at all.