Where rights are infringed, where fundamental principles are overthrown, where the general system of laws is departed from, the legislative intention must be expressed with irresistible clearness, to induce a court of justice to suppose a design to effect such objects.(A) John Marshall
(B) Andrew Jackson
(C) Lysander Spooner
(D) Herbert Spencer
(E) Rufus Peckham
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I suppose it depends somewhat on which part of the passage you choose to focus on, but reading it like this might bring out the point: "where rights are infringed... the legislative intention must be expressed with irresistible clearness, to induce a court of justice to suppose a design to effect such objects."
As Mr. Mandias points out, however, the effect of the statement (rhetorical or otherwise) depends on what one considers to be "rights."
Where the Constitution prohibits infringing on a right, whether or why Congress intended the legislation to infringe it is irrelevant. The Constitution prohibits infringing rights, not intending to infringe them. It's the deed that's banned, not the motive.
It’s back to the drawing board for you.
You may be right about Constitutional rights (though often enough ways are found around those as well), but the quote doesn't reference the Constitution. The quote is talking about measures which are entirely within the legislature's power to make.
As TO points out above, without a definition of "rights," the quote is fairly meaningless. It just reflects the common principle that courts won't presume new legislation to upset well-settled law unless it clearly intends to do so.
Now, these are important questions of law as to whether the federal government should or should not enjoy a preference in bankruptcy court over private creditors, but there's nothing "libertarian" or even close about this decision. And, you will notice (if you bother to read the whole decision): So the Court upheld the federal government's priority over private debtors in bankruptcy court. How does this qualify as "libertarian"?
The whole manner in which Professor Barnett cherry-picks quotes to find some libertarian presumption in the Constitution reminds of Professor Saul Cornell's methods for finding no right to keep and bear arms in decisions that strike down gun control laws explicitly based on the right to keep and bear arms. Ideology is trumping data.
I did not bother to read the opinion.
A court was about to say "even tho a plain reading of this statute would indicate this result, we are not about to construe it that way."
Or more elaborately, "It is so unlikely that a legislature would have intended a policy result offensive to me that I will not effectuate it unless they force me to do so."
I think Prof. Barnett's point is about the presumption of liberty in statutory interpretation or construction. Namely that when application of a statute infringes a right formerly presumed at common law or defined by statute, the court must look to very clear legislative intent that its purpose was to infringe that right.
That is indeed a "presumption of liberty" in a court's reasoning. Without clear legislative intent, the Marshall Court would not infringe the right.
The fact that the court upheld the infringement means that it found the very clear legislative intent to do so.
Not every legal or constitutional principle is defined or established by the outcome of the case. Here the principle is what drives the court's reasoning process. Had clear evidence of legislative intent not been found, the court would not have upheld the infringement.
But I am not a constitutional lawyer, and my reasoning may be quite incorrect.
But if my reasoning is right, then I think Brett Bellmore's observation is more to the point: