As SCOTUSblog reports, the Supreme Court has agreed to hear a very interesting and important new case on constitutional limits to punitive damages:
The Court said it would rule on two issues raised in Philip Morris USA v. Williams (05-1256). The first: if a court finds that a company's misconduct was outrageous, does that override the constitutional limit that holds punitive damages closely to the actual harm done -- the so-called "ratio" issue. [EV Note: This refers to the rule that punitive damages may not be more than some relatively small, likely single-digit, multiple of the actual harm.] The second is whether the Constitution forbids juries to provide damages to punish a company for the effects of its conduct on others, not directly before the court....
The case involves two rulings by the Oregon Supreme Court -- one decided after the Supreme Court had ordered the state tribunal to reconsider its earlier ruling in the wake of constitutional standards laid down by the Justices in their 2003 decision in State Farm v. Campbell. In both of its decisions, the Oregon court upheld a $79.5 million punitive damages award to a woman whose husband had died of lung cancer. The punitive award far exceeded the $521,485.40 ordered in compensatory damages. The widow's lawsuit was a wide-ranging attack on 50 years of Philip Morris' conduct in marketing cigarettes, and the Oregon court ruled that the punitive damages could be based in part upon injuries it found had been done to many Oregon smokers, not involved in the case.
The company's appeal said that each of the issues raised in the case arises regularly in punitive damages cases, and those questions have resulted in widely varying lower court rulings....
I should note that the firm with which I'm now affiliated (on a part-part-part-time basis), Mayer Brown Rowe & Maw, represents the tobacco company here. One of the reasons I joined Mayer is that they get involved in important, interesting, high-level cases like this one; congratulations to them on getting a certiorari grant.
I should also note that, when I blog about cases that I know Mayer is involved in (whether or not I am personally involved), I'll disclose the involvement (much as other bloggers, especially the SCOTUSblog bloggers, have done).
Finding the right legal peg might be troubling. I suppose it amounts to a denial of due process to have a de facto class action with no means of having the $79 million shared by the de facto class (of Oregon smokers hurt by PM fraud, or their successors). Also, PM is denied the right to res judicata, collateral estoppel, and to confront witnesses against it.
The single digit proportionality requirement is hard to find in my US Const, but is probably defensible by Roberts, et al. based on stare decisis ideas.
I have a hard time seeing PM denied all relief by the USSCT, though PM is an odious client (or at least it engaged in odious conduct).
Too bad for the anti-trial-lawyer crowd that PM was not a bank, brokerage, oil company, automaker, etc.
Presumably Ted Olson will help with PM's merits briefs.
An outcome here favoring PM could help ExxonMobil in the Exxon Valdez mess, assuming that case still has live punitive damages issues. No doubt we will see some interesting amicus briefs.
If this plantiff really was awarded this large award on the basis of the harm done to other individuals (and it is upheld) could later plantiffs who find themselves unable to collect from the tobacco companies (say they go bancrupt) sue this plantiff for their 'share' of the damages?
Situations like this seem very troubling for the law to handle. Certainly the tobacoo companies did wrong by covering up information on the harm of smoking but it seems many of these verdicts are motivated as much by a general feeling that tobacoo companies are evil just for selling tobacoo as actual harm. Moreover, it seems nearly impossible to create a situation where plantiffs are fairly and equitably compensated. It seems to me this is a situation which should be best dealt with by a legislative fix, i.e., the companies agree to pay a certain sum into a fund to be dispersed to victims and in return the legislature prevents suits from proceding against them.
Arbitrary cut-offs are the jobs of legislatures, not courts. It is enjoyable watching nominal Conservatives defend Phillip Morris's without position without saying "Substantive Due Process" while saying everything else to get to that same position.
I'm glad, though, to see that you believe that justice requires uniformity and even-handedness. I'm sure you'll agree that allowing juries to decide such mixed questions of law and fact as "what is reasonable behavior" undermines the principles of uniformity and even-handedness. Obviously one jury can find one set of facts to be reasonable and other might not. To make matters worse, neither jury would consider the social impact of a finding of reasonableness in any given case (e.g., whether the utility of public playgrounds outweighs the risk of harm to children). Keeping these decisions in the hands of judges would restore unformity and bring balance to public policy making. I trust you will turn your admirable idealism and energy towards restoring the role of judges as guardians of the law.
Exactly. Congress has all sorts of punitive damage limits in various statutes. The problem is state laws, and whether "federalism" lets Congress say how much damages can be for violations of state laws. Between the Supreme Court and Congress, Congress appears to be the better body to make the decision, but between Congress and State Legislatures I think we're going to see a lot of faint-hearted federalist turncoats, like in the Medical Marijuana, Assisted Suicide, and Federal Abortion Ban areas where the "Conservative" feds are acting to pre-empt "Liberal" state actions.
The minority party always seems to favor federalism. That way they can have their way somewhere.
Yes, BMW stated that a state court could only look to violations within the state, and I have no problem with that. It's the later cases that sa that even those in-state punitive damages must be some proportion of actual damages. The whole POINT of punitive damages is to deter conduct even when the actual damages are small.
IF the purpose of punitives is to deter outrageous conduct, then they should be assessed against the individuals who actually engaged in the conduct, not against shareholders who had no say in the decisions leading to the conduct. Of course that would reduce the amount of collectible punitive damages awards, both because the individuals would have much less money (though I imagine Lee Iaccoca could have paid a substantial amount had he been sued for the Pinto's defects) and because a jury is much less likely to find conduct outrageous when it is an individual who is being sued (unless the conduct is, in fact, outrageous) as opposed to a faceless large corporation where the conduct may have been merely imprudent or negligent, but far short of outrageous.
I don't mean to suggest that corporations should not be held liable for compensatory damages caused by their agents. That is something which very much should be a corporate responsibility under ordinary "respondeat superior" rules. But punitive damages are not for compensation, but to penalize someone who has done bad things which caused injury--and though employees of a corporation may do sufficiently bad things to warrant such a punishment, the corporation itself (and its shareholders) haven't engaged in such activities. Further, if the individual who does the bad things doesn't experience any adverse consequences, then the punitive damages haven't really served any purpose (except as a lottery for plaintiffs and a pay-day for their attorneys).
The Philip Morris case is probably the worst situation in which to point out the incongruity of assessing punitive damages against corporations. Certainly any current shareholder of Philip Morris knows that there is a risk of huge judgments against it, compensatory and punitive, because of the nature of the products and the length of time their bad effects have been known. But there are a lot of situations where the shareholder is unaware of potentially bad conduct. I suspect that a majority of Exxon shares are held by pension plans (public and private), mutual funds (especially index funds) and in 401k plans. Whatever punitive damages are ultimately paid because of the Valdez disaster comes out of their pockets, not the pockets of persons who decided to hire a captain who had been an alcoholic (though if he appeared to be a recovered alcoholic, that couldn't be held against him in making a hiring decision under the ADA) or to operate a single hulled tanker.
I realize this doesn't address the problem of the constitutional limits on punitive damages, but it is still a factor which needs to be kept in mind in my opinion. Further, until forty or fifty years ago punitive damage judgments (except in defamation cases where actual damages are extremely hard to measure) were extremely rare and the amounts awarded were generally very small. Thus, whether there were constitutional limits was not something which needed exploration.
One final, somewhat related, thought. What happens to cigarette smoking if punitive damage awards drives all of the cigarette companies into bankruptcy. All smokers simply stop smoking? (Also, what happens to the not inconsiderable taxes most states collect on cigarettes?)
Besides, I still don't understand the justification for paying one plaintiff out of the presumably tens of thousands involved the punitive damages. Why him? Why make him a very rich man (less, of course, the contingency based legal fees)? Is it really that good from a public policy point of view to have a race to the courthouse like this?
If the plaintiff doesn't receive the punitive damages, he has little incentive to make the case for punitive damages in the first place.
Two quick points in response:
1. under your argument, corporations should never be indicted or punished for any of management's actions. This is not a great way to ensure that shareholders hold management accountable for the messes that management creates.
2. presumably, the shareholders benefit from the actions of management (if motivated by profit), so requiring shareholders to pay for management's misdeeds may have a "rough" measure of justice. Thus, in the Ford Pinto example, Ford presumably sold more Pintos due to a price that was lowered by the placement of the fuel tank in a location that was cheaper to manafucture (albeit more dangerous for Pinto drivers), and earned higher profits per car and overall, as a result. So requiring Ford's shareholders to pay for that decision is not necessarily inequitable. The bigger problem with shareholders having to pay for such misconduct is that we are likely talking about different groups of shareholders: the shareholders who owned Ford's stock during the manufacture and sell of the allegedly defective Pinto are not the same group as those who held the stock at the time of the punitive damages award.
As far as management escaping from liability, in your example, Ford's board could have authorized Ford to sue Iacocca for indemnity, for harm he caused to the corporation and its shareholders that resulted in these lawsuits. Don't hold your breathe waiting for that type of lawsuit to happen, however (a board truly trying to hold management financially accountable is a rare thing, indeed).
The biggest problems with punitive damages is the arbitrary nature of the awards, and the fact that the plaintiff gets a windfall. If I were the Emperor-God of the US, I would limit punitive damages to a 3-to-1 ratio of the compensatory damages and only authorize Judges to impose them, not juries. But, my criticisms do not make them unconstitutional, so I am curious to see what the Supremes do.
Yes, by all means, we must preserve that tax revenue, so let's pray the Supremes come down in favor of PM. I don't think, in all seriousness, this is relevant to the legal issues at hand.
The idea that people should be able to recover more than 9 times their actual damages from a defendant - regardless of how evil the defendant is - is apalling.
This may be irrelevant to the current suit, but it was surely highly relevant to the prior litigations brought by state AG's against the tobacco companies resulting in huge settlements. The theory was that tobacco sales caused more people to be sick with tobacco-related illnesses thus increasing the Medicare and other health-related costs.
On that theory, should not the abundant state revenues from tobacco taxes have been offset against any damages?
As to recouping corporate losses by an indemnity action against the individuals responsible. the corporation will have to convince a jury that the individuals had acted in a manner that deserved punitive damages. The individuals are not bound by the result of the prior action, and it is a lot harder to convince a jury that a particular person (especially if the activity had involved a chain of command) did something so terrible as to merit an award of punitive damages. It is much easier for a jury to assess punitive damages against a soul-less corporation. Further, in many if not most cases the individual would likely be close to judgment proof making an indemnity action fruitless even if it is otherwise a promising suit.
Finally, I quite agree that loss of tax revenue from cigarette sales has any constitutional relevance, but it has practical relevance if tobacco corporations are all driven into bankruptcy because of repeated high punitive damage awards. The now overturned punitive damage verdict in the Florida case would have done just that. Further, no one would buy the factories at a bankruptcy sale (to continue the business) because this would simply invite further punishing punitive damage awards. So, smokers would have to go cold turkey or go to another country for a cigarette. Personally, this wouldn't bother me at all because I don't smoke, but I imagine some smokers might object to this outcome, even though they know the risks involved with smoking. But, even this probably doesn't rise to being a constitutional deprivation.
I am not advocating abolishing punitive damages, though I think there are good arguments for that. Rather, I am suggesting that this sort of punitive damages, based on harm done to a whole class of people, but awarded to one, is on occasions like this grossly unjust enrichment of that one.
I am, of course, receptive to more information on this subject.
As for what the Supreme Court should do, I think it should get out of the business of legislating punitive damages ratios, because I just don't see that any legitimate constitutional issue is presented and Congress or the individual states are more than competent to act in this arena. Any purported "conservatives" who believe in the due process violation are just being hypocritical, or they represent big businesses that dislike, for understandable business reasons, punitive damages awards, and therefore are rushing to embrace the new Lochner style substantive due process that is starting to percolate in a few Supreme Court decisions.
Regarding the issue, as presented, about the propriety of taking into account the defendant's impact on others, why is it irrational, under the due process clause, for a jury to consider this conduct, in trying to decide whether the defendant has engaged in outrageous, despicable, or fraudulent behavior that it needs to punish? It is not. While I can see the policy arguments against allowing an Oregon jury to seek to "regulate" a multinational corporation's behavior occuring in other states through the assessment of punitive damages, I don't see this as posing a due process issue of any moment, unless you believe that the Court should properly establish a nationwide punitive damages law that all states must follow.
Regarding the "outrageous" or willful nature of the defendant's conduct, the California Court of Appeal upheld a very large punitive damages award against OJ Simpson, because his conduct was so outrageous. Is that decision wrong? Should the Goldman family have been limited to 5 times the compensatory damages, or 9 times? I don't see how you can say that a jury in Oregon can't be so outraged by PM's conduct, and must be limited to assessing a ratio-confined award, and yet the jury in California didn't have to be so confined in awarding punitive damages against OJ Simpson.
To understand what I mean by "calculated violations," take this simple example: A corporation manufactures 1 million widgets that its managers know contain safety defects that will very likely kill one or two of its customers. Nevertheless, management decides to proceed with the defective design because they estimate that it would be cheaper to settle two wrongful death suits than to fix the problem.
A strident and unpredictable regime of punitive damages serves to introduce an element of uncertainty into the equation and deter this type of behavior. Those two deaths might cost the corporation much more than they bargained for! The Supreme Court, unfortunately, has now brought certainty and security to Corporate America, and made the lives of America's consumers much more hazardous.
As to the Electronic Anarchists point, under his definition virtually every product sold would be the basis of a punitive damage award. If an automobile company builds a million cars which weigh only 3000 pounds (e.g., a Ford Focus or Honda Civic) it is a virtual certainty that several people will be killed because a few of the cars will be in an accident with a much heavier vehicle. The only way to prevent this is to build a car similar to (but larger than) the H1 Hummer, with an armored fuel tank and all sorts of other safety features and at a cost upwards of $250,000. Perhaps the Sierra Club would like this since almost no one would be able or willing to afford a car and the environment would be saved, but I suspect 99% of the population would object strenuously. ANY product has some sort of cost-benefit calculation built into it, since a 100% guarantee that there will be no dangerous defects whatsoever is an impossible goal. (See Learned Hand's opinion in the Carroll Towing case.) I don't mean to suggest that at some point a carelessly made or designed product which creates a substantial risk shouldn't be subject to a lawsuit for negligence, but only that a "perfection" standard is grossly unrealistic--indeed impossible.
However, there is one area where SCOTUS could act. It seems to me that an excellent argument could be made that punitive damages are criminal penalties, and that the rules of criminal procedure should be applied when they are requested. Proof should be required beyond a reasonable doubt. Stricter rules of evidence, including the privilege against self-incrimination should also apply.
Of course these arguments must be raised by the defendant at the first instance. But now that you have entered private practice, Eugene, talk to the trial lawyers, point them in the right direction.