Linda Greenhouse has an article in today's New York Times that brings up proposals for an 18-year limit on Supreme Court tenure. She reports some of my data on Court tenure and mentions Steven Calabresi's and my article on the subject (which can be downloaded from this SSRN page).
Greenhouse also quotes Sandy Levinson, who was one of the few law professors who called for CJ Rehnquist to resign in 2005:
Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist died over Labor Day weekend in 2005, 10 months after receiving a diagnosis of an invariably fatal form of thyroid cancer. During most of that time, he had been widely expected to announce a decision to retire, but he kept even most colleagues in the dark about his condition and plans until declaring six weeks before his death that he intended to stay on.
Whether he displayed brave optimism or “a degree of egoistic narcissism,” as Prof. Sanford Levinson of the University of Texas Law School asserted in a recent book, is open to debate. With the protection of life tenure, the decision to play through was, in any event, completely the chief justice’s own.
But it is beyond debate that interest in re-examining the wisdom of the Constitution’s grant of life tenure to Supreme Court justices, a lively topic at the time of Chief Justice Rehnquist’s illness and death, has continued to grow.
The interest, admittedly, remains largely limited to the corridors of law schools and university political science departments. No member of Congress or candidate for office has taken up the call. But the range of scholars across the ideological spectrum who are pushing or endorsing various proposals for restricting justices’ tenure is impressive, numbering in the dozens of leading conservatives and liberals. . . .
One reason for the growing consensus is that the practical meaning of life tenure has changed dramatically in recent years. Between 1789 and 1970, according to statistics in an article by Profs. Steven G. Calabresi and James Lindgren of Northwestern University Law School, Supreme Court justices served an average of just under 15 years, with vacancies on the court occurring about once every 2 years.
Since 1970, justices have served nearly twice as long, more than 26 years, with the average interval between vacancies stretching to more than 3 years. . . .
One [reason offered for limits] is that widely spaced departures (there were none from 1994 to 2005) tend to make each vacancy an earthshaking event, while predictably regular vacancies would lower the temperature. Another is that the broadly perceived tendency of justices to time their retirements for political reasons increases public cynicism about the court.
A third reason is that fixed terms would erase the political premium on appointing justices at young ages. Republicans, especially, prize youth and the long Supreme Court tenure it promises. The average age of the last five Republican appointees was 50; the last five justices named by Democratic presidents were, on average, 56%.
Few other legal systems have taken American-style life tenure as a model. Most countries place term or age limits on their high-court judges, as do 49 states (all but Rhode Island). That fact “demonstrates that there is not the slightest need to grant life tenure in order to guarantee an independent judiciary,” Professor Levinson of Texas wrote last year in his book “Our Undemocratic Constitution.”
But not everyone is convinced. Prof. Vicki C. Jackson of the Georgetown University Law Center, a leading authority on the federal judiciary, warned in an article this year that rather than cooling the politics of Supreme Court confirmations, fixed terms might simply “turn an episodic fracas into a regular one.”
For additional data and arguments, see our paper.
I'd rather see a single term for the president (at a longer 6 years rather than 4), but that's a different argument for elsewhere.
This way, every president is guaranteed to appoint or renew a justice at least twice in a term.
If every president gets two shots at the Supreme Court, perhaps more (if anyone dies or steps down before their 18 year term), then he gets more. That's a much higher turnover than is current, which means that if you don't like this terms make-up, just wait a few years and it'll change.
So I think that the stakes will lessen greatly and it won't be so important. It's the winner-take-all approach of today that makes things so much more heated and contentious.
So much for stare decisis!
Both seem rather unseemly.
not exactly. it only proves that you can have a judiciary. to prove independence would take a lot more work and an analysis of judicial opinions over the lifetime of each judge. (for example, does the opinions become more conservative/liberal depending on which party is in power?)
I think the fact that we have different term lengths for the house, the senate and the executive to ensure varying amounts of accountability to the electorate is a strong argument against having anything less than life-long appointments. you can't have an independent judiciary otherwise as you can't ensure that judges won't alter there opinions to go counter to current public opinion. for example, one of the reasons i constantly hear for why sentencing is out of whack is that judges don't want to appear to be soft on crime so that they can get reelected.
That said, if we were to institute limits they would need to long, at least greater than 16 years to ensure that the entire judiciary is not elected by a single political party, and it would have to have a single term limit. a one shot and your out type deal. this would ensure that judges don't alter their voter behavior towards the end of the term to ensure reelection/renomination.
Speaking of which, I remember when I was a kid and a rich PI lawyer spent a chunk of his fortune campaigning his way onto the Illinois SC. I really don't want to see that happen on the USSC.
As a side note, I think the no-third-term amendment was the stupidest thing the Republicans ever did, because the President is a lame duck from the day of his reelection. Moreover, had Ike run for a third term, he likely would have won. Having preached against the military-industrial complex, Ike was smart enough to keep us from getting enmeshed in Viet Nam. With only nominal U.S. support, South Viet Nam would have given up in 1967.
Staying in this alternate universe for a bit: Tension between Ike and Nixon would have meant a different VP candidate in 1960, who would have succeeded Ike in 64. Nixon would still have run for governor of California and lost to Pat Brown, causing him to pout and languish in obscurity. Ready for a change of party, the country would have elected the moderate Humphrey in 68 and again in 72. LBJ would be remembered for having led the Civil Rights revolution in the Senate, not for the war.
campaign financeincumbent protection laws, most congressmen and senators have an effective life term.I would like to see them face a reasonable chance of electoral competition before we talk about term limits on the supreme court.
unless the limit is made retroactive to the day the judge began serving on the court
You don't think congressmen vote the way their constituents want? That the voters look at the ballot and simply think "Oh, I've heard of her"?
I think congressmen frequently vote in opposition to their constituents wishes. They rarely face primary opposition so this behavior does not hurt their electoral prospects that much.
Take a look at the number of incumbents who face and opponent or actually lose an election. It is a pathetically small number.
The districts are gerrymandered to be heavily republican or heavily democrat. So the candidate from whatever party has the heaviest registration in the district is going to win the general election.
So once a politician of the majority party is elected in a gerrymandered district he is pretty much assured of victory in the general election.
The only place he faces a real chance of opposition is in the primary. And primary races are stacked very, very, heavily in favor of the incumbent.
In 2006, 6 incumbent Republican Senators lost--Santorum, Chafee, Allen, Burns, DeWine, and Talent. In 2004, six Democratic Senate seats went Republican (through retirement mostly) in South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, and South Dakota. In both election cycles, this was a higher percentage of seats that changed than in the House. (18% in the Senate for 2006 versus 7.5% in the House)
I can relate to your feelings, however. When I lived in the liberal end of Congressman Henry Hyde's district, all my neighbors were perplexed and appalled that he kept getting reelected. But Hyde's voting record suited the vast conservative majority of his constituents just fine.
(1) The most notable previous example was the attempt to show that blacks' bar passage rate would be much higher had they gone to much lower ranked schools than they did.
Let us not politicize the SCOTUS anymore than it has already become, and start demanding better judgement from our judiciary and all our political leaders.
Only a return to civilized reason will rescue this Great Experiment from the doom we are rushing toward.
In your universe, the Cold War tension mounts continuously through Humphrey's elections. At that time, the Soviets dare to put missiles onshore into Cuba. Humphrey loses his cool and WW3 starts and ends quickly with 80% casualties in the populations of the US and Russia, and the world looking at nuclear winter. Would you like to play again?
On the main issue, I would much prefer to see a minimum age of 60 or 65 for a S.Ct. judge. Before someone gets that job, they should already have lived a full life.
Calabresi has been making his argument for Supreme Court term limits since early in the first administration of G. W. Bush. If term limits were added to the Constitution early in the next (probably Democratic) administration, the choices of Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama would serve as long as they wanted to serve. They would be "grandfathered," just as President Truman was in an analogous situation.
An age-65 requirement would eliminate virtually every person ever appointed to the Court. Horace Lurton was the oldest man ever appointed Justice, and he was exactly 65 at the time.
Let's say that Clarence Thomas is on the bench when he turns 75 years-old in 2023. At that time he will be sitting on the Court 30 years after George H. W. Bush left office in 1993. Talk about the dead hand of the past. And I say this as someone who is a minor fan of Justice Thomas.
Fifteen years is plenty of time for someone to sit on the Supreme Court.
Maybe it did. However, I would be willing to bet a whole lot of money that the overwhelming (at least 80%) of the voters in your district couldn't name one vote that Hyde made during the previous session of Congress to which they were voting. The overwhelming majority of people who vote do so for the R and the D next to the candidates' names, not the candidate.
I'd also be willing to bet that if you put Strom Thurmond on next year's ballot in South Carolina, he could pull down 15 to 20 percent of the vote.
Unseemly, but what politics isn't? I've already heard this argument made for Bush in Libertarian vs. Republican debates in 2000 and 2004, because it was pretty clear that not all the Justices could survive until 2009. Basically, the message was, "Our candidate might betray almost everything you stand for and half of what we stand for, but voting for a third party will just help the other side to win - not just for 4 or 8 years, but through court appointments with effects far into the future." I've no doubt that over on the other side, Democrats were saying the same things to Naderites.
What does it say about W. Clinton and G.W. Bush that even Justices in their own parties hung on for as long as possible rather than clearing the way for them to appoint a successor? This makes me suspect that letting Justices time their resignations according to who will be appointing their successors is a feature, not a bug. I just wish their was a substantial prospect of better candidates emerging from the major party nominations in the future.
It's a fairly peculiar idea that the Supreme Court has - in the long game - been a stabilizing force in the arena of abortion. I think most commentators - though they might phrase it more diplomatically - would agree with Justice Scalia that by inserting itself into the fray, the Supreme Court in "Roe fanned into life an issue that has inflamed our national politics in general, and has obscured with its smoke the selection of Justices to this Court in particular...." The conventional wisdom is that abortion is far less divisive and inflammatory an issue in other countries precisely because they don't have a Supreme Court to "stabilize" the debate by removing it from the democratic arena, thereby preventing any kind of legislative reconciliation and compromise between the two sides.
The political debate is unstable, but I'll make that trade.
However, I think that if this had stayed in the political realm, the politics surrounding it would have remained saner and by now would have settled down into some sort of compromise in most states, with occasional battles to nudge the line a little one way or another. Roe vs. Wade aborted the normal political process of seeking a compromise. It also made it possible for politicians on both sides to advocate the most extreme positions - because it didn't matter what they did.
This quote from the dissent says it all:
"The Court simply fashions and announces a new constitutional right for pregnant mothers..."
No court can fashion new rights. Rights are inherent. Only privileges, immunities, and powers may be fashioned (which, I would remind are also subject to provisions of both the 14th and 9th Amends.). For Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, this lack of fundamental understanding of our Constitution is simply unconscionable.
Frankly, I don't care if this annoys the crap out of authoritarians. Get over it, and get your damn laws off my body!
Peaceful transfer of executive power is critical to a successful democracy. One of Washington's greatest acts was walking away from the Presidency after eight years. He set the example that US presidents didn't serve for life. Codifying this tradition was appropriate after FDR finally ignored it and was elected to third and fourth terms.
I don't care how much you like President A and dislike his successor. The republic is stronger because of the succession.
FDR didn't "ignore" anything. The only reason we have a 22nd Amendment is because the Republicans were pissed off at everything he'd done in his nearly four terms. There is simply no rational basis to conclude that a President is going to be corrupted in some way merely because the people choose him more than two times, and ever if this were the case, we still have multiple means of removal.
I agree with Levinson that Rehnquist should've been gone. I'd say the same thing about Levinson and Linda Greenhouse.
Rest in peace, good man!
The primary campaign of pat toomey against arlen specter gives a good example of this. The republican party, from the president on down supported the incumbent (specter) even though toomey was arguably more in synch with the philosophy of the republican primary voters.
On top of the party support incumbents have a huge advantage in fund raising over their opposition. The
campaign financeincumbent protection laws favor the incumbents. Which is not surprising because the incumbents wrote the laws.I know you like to believe voters are making rational voting decisions but that does not square with what goes on in the elections.
The process is gamed to heavily favor the incumbent. That is why so few incumbents face a primary opponent.
Look at the mess the 17th Amendment made. Prior to that, Senators actually represented the citizens of their state. But now, even if a Senator's decision would greatly benefit the citizens of his state, he will vote against it and toe the Party line if that's what his political Party wants -- and the citizens be damned.
Nothing I've seen indicates that self-serving political hacks who want to alter the Constitution, simply in order to get a leg up, have as much sense as the Framers.
There isn't a general problem regarding lower court judges staying on too long. There is no reason in practice for term limits for lower federal courts. Indeed, we have too many vacancies to fill.
Jim Lindgren