This spring, the DC Court of Appeals ruled in the case of Parker v. District of Columbia. The case had three important legal holdings:
1. Five of the six plaintiffs did not have standing to sue, because the mere threat of criminal prosecution for exercising their constitutional rights was not sufficient to confer standing. The ruling was based on an extension of a previous DC case, Navegar, which had involved challenges to the federal ban on "assault weapons."
2. The DC government's complete ban on handguns (other than handguns which were registered in DC before the ban went into effect) violated the Second Amendment.
3. DC's ban on the possession of functional long guns was also a violation of the Second Amendment. DC requires that all rifles and shotguns be locked up or disassembled, and there is no exception in the law for self-defense.
DC's attorneys asked the Court of Appeals to stay its mandate, so that the DC ordinances could remain in effect while DC petitioned the Supreme Court for a writ of certiorari.
But when DC filed its petition, the petition flagrantly violated DC's representations to the Court of Appeals. DC's petition for a writ of certiorari presents one, and only one question: "Whether the Second Amendment forbids the District of Columbia from banning private possession of handguns while allowing possession of rifles and shotguns." This question of course addresses the handgun ban, but does not address the separate holding of the ban on defensive long guns. By Supreme Court rules, the DC petition was required to list all statutes or ordinances which are at issue in the petition, and the DC petition does not list the ordinance containing the self-defense ban.
The strategic implications of DC's decision are enormous. It appears that DC has decided that its long-gun self-defense ban is constitutionally indefensible. The most logical inference is that DC (despite statements by the Mayor at press conferences) has concluded that it cannot convince the Supreme Court that the Second Amendment is not an individual right. DC is retreating to position that the individual Second Amendment right is not violated by a handgun ban, as long as individuals can possess other guns.
Consistent with the DC retreat, the cert. petition itself is quite short on legal reasoning, and amounts to a mini-policy paper on the alleged horrors of allowing licensed citizens to possess registered handguns in their own homes.
The only thing that the DC cert. petition says about the self-defense ban is in a footnote: "The majority read this provision to forbid loading, assembling, and unlocking even a lawfully possessed firearm for use in self-defense. App. 55a. On that reading, it held the provision unconstitutional. The District does not, however, construe this provision to prevent the use of a lawful firearm in self-defense."
Well, if DC thinks that the Court of Appeals "reading" of the straightforward language of the DC Code is incorrect, then the DC cert. petition could have asked the Supreme Court for a second reading. But the petition did not.
Instead, DC falsely told the Court that a person in DC "may lawfully possess a rifle or
shotgun to protect himself."
Accordingly, Alan Gura, the lead lawyer for the appellants in the case, has moved that the DC Court of Appeals lift its stay of its mandate, regarding the striking of the unconstitutional ban on defensive long guns. The motion is available on-line, as are all other filings in the case. Gura's motion is an excellent example of forceful yet temperate legal writing.
Gura has also filed, with the Supreme Court, his own petition for a writ of certiorari, asking for a cross-appeal of the DC Court of Appeals' highly restrictive rule on standing, which he says is contrary to other Circuits, and to Supreme Court precedent.
DC now has 30 days to respond to Gura's cross-petition, so the time when the Supreme Court will decide on whether to grant cert. is probably around November 5-12. Accordingly, should the Court grant cert., the case would probably among the very last for which oral argument was held in the coming Term.
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David, I believe the phrase you're looking for is "Brandeis Brief," and last I checked quite a number of people in the legal field (not to mention high school civics textbooks) consider it to be precisely a form of legal argumentation. Object to the use of policy considerations in the course of constitutional interpretation if you wish, but last I checked this was common on both sides of the aisle (see, e.g., conservative arguments that various war-on-terror policies *must* be constitutional because the Constitution is not a suicide pact and the Framers would never have wished the President to be hamstrung in his efforts to protect the country) and won't hold up well with anyone except those staunchest of originalists who say that if you don't like it, Amend it (the Constitution, that is). Not gonna get much play with that, and I'd sure hate to live in that world.
A short recon of what’s out there that might draw your attention, updated throughout the day...so check back often.
If the USSC finds the right to keep and bear arms is a fundamental constitutional right, the D.C. ordinance could still be upheld if it passed strict scrutiny. D.C. would have to show a compelling government interest in banning handguns, which they are apparently beginning to do in their cert writ. Banning handguns while (allegedly) permitting long guns begins to sound like a narrowly tailored/least restrictive alternative argument.
A city where criminals used rifles and shotguns instead of pistols would be a very scary place indeed.
Rifles are 5-11 times more lethal (computed as the fraction of those wounded who die) than handguns, depending on the rifle selected. Shotguns at close range are so nasty that an article in the Annals of Surgery, "Gunshot Wounds of the Abdomen" stated they might as well be treated as cannon blasts.
Even if say, 50% of criminals choose to arm themselves with knives or clubs under a complete and effective handgun ban (which not even Britain has managed to accomplish), the other 50% that upgrade to shotguns and rifles would cause a massive upsurge in homicide.
Just ask the residents of a great many cities in Iraq...
"If the USSC finds the right to keep and bear arms is a fundamental constitutional right, the D.C. ordinance could still be upheld if it passed strict scrutiny. D.C. would have to show a compelling government interest in banning handguns, which they are apparently beginning to do in their cert writ. Banning handguns while (allegedly) permitting long guns begins to sound like a narrowly tailored/least restrictive alternative argument."
If it could be shown that handguns (all of them) carried some kind of disease in the form of a virus, bacteria or carcinogen, then DC might be able to ban them until such time as manufacturers could produce pathogen-free handguns. As Jacob Berlove wrote: "But to restrict possession of certain types of weapons on the grounds that they are so dangerous that private citizens can't be trusted with them is to abridge the right at the very point it was passed to protect."
Dave, D.C. did pass a handgun ban, despite the sound reasoning of Jacob Berlove. What needs to be figured out now is how to strike down the ban.
Phoenix, AZ may be the best comparison for high gun ownership and low crime. Granted, the Phoenix metro is about 12x larger than DC, but (my perception when I lived there)firearms ownership is high, and the regulations are very very free. For example, open carry is allowed, no permit required, anywhere in the state. concealed carry requires a permit, but it's a 'shall issue' state, and IIRC the only req to get a concealed carry permit is to pay the money and not be a felon. No course, no range time.
www.disastercenter.com has information on crime rates. Phoenix Metro has a population of 6.2 million, a violent crime rate of 513 per 100k, and a murder rate of 8.4 per 100k. DC has a pop of 550k, a violent crime rate of 1459 per 100k, and a murder rate of 35.4 per 100k. If you remove the outlying cities from metro Phoenix, and just use the main city, the pop is 1.5 mil and the murder rate is 15 per 100k. and the perception as a resident of phoenix is that everyone is armed.
Respectfully,
Pol
Strict scrutiny last I knew also required that the law actually do something. It can be proven that the ban has had the opposite effect(if any) on crime in D.C.
I think you're probably right that gun bans tend to worsen crime. One can make a reasonable argument to this effect. But do you really think you can prove this?
Yes, at least a relatively lower violent crime rate. Washington, DC--before the 1976 ban! The DC murder rate in the years 1968-1976 averaged 33.0/100,000 population. By 1987, the murder rate was approaching 40/100,000; by 1991, it exceeded 80/100,000 population.
It wasn't great before the ban; it didn't get significantly better in the years immediately after the ban (averaged 31.2/100,000 for the years 1977-1987).
The following data will tell you how successful the 1976 law was.
Murder rate in 1976: 26.78/100,000; in 2005, 35.42/100,000.
Now, it is true that robbery rates have fallen substantially over that period of time from 1003.42 to 672.09--but after a dramatic spike in the years after following the 1976 law as high as 1635.06 in 1981.
Aggravated assault rate in 1976: 378.77. In 2005, 721.32--almost twice as high.
Burglary rates are MUCH lower than they were in 1976--but again, after an astonishing spike in the years after the law took effect. If you want to give credit for today's lower burglary rates to the gun law, then you have to ask why it took twenty years for rates to drop, and stay down.
Ditto for larceny-theft rates--it took more than twenty years for the rate to drop below the 1976 level.
Vehicle theft rates went from 420.51 in 1976 to 1402.31 in 2005--more than tripling.
What's really interesting, however, is comparing 1960 to 1976--you know, not only before the 1976 gun law, but the 1972 mandatory registration law, and the 1968 Gun Control Act (which made it illegal for DC residents to buy guns in adjoining states, or to buy long guns mail order).
With the exception of aggravated assault and vehicle theft, which were just slightly lower in 1960, the difference is astonishing. DC was almost a civilized place to live. 10 murders/100,000; 140.32 robberies/100,000; and so on for the other crimes.
I'll figure out how to produce some images to put up tomorrow.
It's also quite interesting to compare DC's violent crime rates to those in the Northern Virginia cities that (a) form part of the greater DC metropolitan area and (b) operate under VA laws regarding firearms ownership and carry, which are among the most lenient in the nation (shall-issue CCW, very few restrictions on open carry, and a very active open-carry community.)
(Hint to anyone not versed these matters: DC comes off very poorly in this comparison.)
It's intuitive to some extent. Almost all of the evidence is corrolary--high ownership has a lower crime rate, lower ownership has a higher crime rate. Basically most of the studies that aren't political say that they can't find any causation, and so bans have no effect, but the opposite is true--high rates of ownership don't necessarily reduce crime. I can't prove that the law is damaging anything beyond constitutional rights, but since it's not doing anything either...
Basically:
Compelling interest--reducing violent crime--check.
Narrowly tailored--only bans a certain item of interest to parties engaging in criminal activity--check.
Effectiveness--There's a good chance that it has the opposite effect, but we can cite studies saying that there's no influence whatsoever so...fail.
I'd finish off with an anology, but I'm drawing blanks on that.
If you're looking for a tool to do small, self-contained, interactive data analysis presentations, take a look at this:
http://simile.mit.edu/exhibit/
It might be just the thing for this analysis...
Assuming, for a moment, that SCOTUS blesses the individual rights argument, the question presented is clear, and provides narrow grounds for adjudication (something this court clearly enjoys). Either long guns are sufficient to meet the letter of the Second Amendment, or the restriction specific to handguns abridges said right. To make such a determination, I would hope the Court members would look to 250 years of American social history and judicial precedent, not crime statistics.
I couldn't quite get through the District's document; I simply wasn't compelled by interest, and that's about the only way I can brain-muscle my way through a legal document!