From 10:06 to 11 Pacific this morning, I'll be on KPCC-FM (89.3), a local public radio station, talking about the Second Amendment with the host, Larry Mantle, and Erwin Chemerinsky, who'll be on the other side. (Someone else will be filling in for Erwin after the half hour.)
The show will be taking listener calls, so if you'd like to call (at 866-893-KPCC [5722]), please do. The program is also available on live streaming audio.
But property rights are a lot different than a specific provision that says you have the right to keep arms. That doesn't seem consistent with the view that the government can prohibit you from keeping arms at all.
This is why, if you think that the DC gun ban is constitutional, you almost certainly need the collective rights view. If the 2nd Amendment does not create an individual right, then a ban is constitutional. But if the 2nd Amendment protects an individual right, the only thing that you have left in defense of the DC gun ban would be an argument that very light scrutiny is all that is required and limiting people to keeping unloaded shotguns is reasonable.
If having ever made an unpersuasive argument were a disqualification for becoming a law school dean, there would be very few people eligible for the position.
That problem exists with any level of scrutiny short of a total prohibition on something. And as you said, a total prohibition on any firearms regulation isn't supported by anyone, including the NRA. (Plus, in truth, even total prohibitions just shift the argument; Justice Black styled himself a First Amendment absolutist but then had a narrow attitude about what constituted "speech" and what didn't.)
I don't think there is a snowball's chance in hell that the Supreme Court adopts strict scrutiny in the 2nd Amendment context, but even if it did, judges who wanted to uphold gun controls would be able to find that they were necessary to serve compelling state interests. Similarly, the Court could adopt rational basis review and judges who wanted to strike them down could find that they were irrational.
How would this reasonable regulation apply to guns is of course undefined, they may well require trigger locks, training, etc. I got a feeling that even if the supreme court finds and individual right, they'll allow the authorities to make it inconvenient to exercise that right, but well short of an outright ban.
Many states have moved in the past 20 years to a mandatory permit to carry system, which removes from local politicians the right to play games by approving permits for their buddies and those who guard the property of the rich, and dening permits to the middle class and poor and not connected to the politically powerful. If the Supremes actually uphold the constitution (as opposed to issuing yet another unconstitutional decision) then someday all states should be forced to a mandatory permit to carry system.
Mandatory systems can require background checks, training, etc., but it must be done on an objective basis as opposed to the subjective whims of some bureaucrat.
Says the "Dog"
Says the "Dog"
As far as I know, no court has ever found a right for concealed carry based on the 2nd amendment, it has always been granted explicitly either in the state constitution or by statute.
If the court upholds the individual right view, isn't there enough precedent on other rights, that such registaion would have to be free to the registrant?
Aren't you eliding the difference between open carry and concealed carry? "Bearing arms", in 1791, meant bearing them openly, right?
You can even make a weak argument based on the common law prohibition on carrying arms to the terror of the people that concealed carry was more protected than open carry.
Here in MA, a License to Carry means concealed carry, whether on one's person or in a gun case; open carry other than on one's own property, or while hunting or on a shooting range can lead to revocation of one's license. And since in MA, one needs the license to even possess a gun (why do you think we have a rising crime rate here?) at home, losing the license means losing your guns.
There aren't really any gun registration laws in 1791. There isn't even any clear way to identify who a gun belongs to, except by detailed descriptions of names carved into stocks, and little quirks of the design. My book Armed America gives examples of the struggles that some of the colonies go through trying to enforce the various gun control laws of the time because of this.
However: most people don't realize that while gun registration is reasonable regulation, the Supreme Court has already ruled that convicted felons, psychotics, and anyone else who can't legally own a gun is exempt from gun registration. Haynes v. U.S (1968) found that punishing people who can't lawfully own a gun for failing to register a gun violates their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. The only people that mandatory gun registration applies to are those who aren't the problem.
On another note, can anybody put forth a good argument for how registration will reduce crime? At best, if you require firearm registration every time a firearm is sold, including private sales, you will only learn who the last lawful owner was. This may allow prosecution if the last owner illegally sold the firearm, but how many crimes might that prevent? The only purpose I can see for registration is so the government knows where they are when they decide to come pick them up. Again, that would only work for those law abiding citizens who purchase them thru the proper channels, not criminals.
What concerns me is the potential for later confiscation. A clear statement that the government does not have the authority to disarm the general population might make registration and a requirement for all guns to transferred with a paperwork trail more tolerable. And the agitation for banning guns, or trying to bankrupt the manufacturers, has to stop.
Nick