First comment, at 12:41: Listening to the argument for the first time, I'm somewhat puzzled by Dellinger's approach. He's treating this like a historical question of original intent or a law review article. But the Justices aren't historians or law professors, and they're clearly more interested in interpreting the Second Amendment in a practical sense as constitutional law. Dellinger is needing Souter to keep him on track (as Souter always does very ably when counsel arguing for a politically liberal result isn't catching the Court's vibe).
Second comment, at 12:56: In the questioning of Clement, Kennedy makes perfectly clear that he agrees with the narrative of the purpose of the Second Amendment offered by gun rights proponents: The Second Amendment was enacted to limit the government's power to take away the peoples' guns given the importance of guns to self-defense and individual freedom.
Third Comment, at 1:04: Interesting that there's so little discussion of the degree of scrutiny. Souter has to raise it when Clement's time runs out to make sure he covers it. Scalia seems to suggest that he would say there are exceptions to the right (such as machine guns, etc) but that apply strict scrutiny within the scope of the right.
Fourth Comment, at 1:11: Roberts suggests that the Court shouldn't adopt a specific standard of scrutiny here; they can strike down the laws without needing to answer that directly. If Roberts ends up being in the majority, my guess is that he'll either write it himself or give it to Kennedy; Kennedy probably feels the same way, as his Lawrence opinion suggests.
Fifth Comment, at 1:17: Gura isn't starting effectively: he's focusing on a very technical point, speaking very quickly, and I don't know if the Justices are even following what he's talking about. On the other hand, that may not be a bad thing; seems like he walks into his argument having five strong votes in his pocket, and he just needs to avoid losing them (which seems unlikely). Gura goes on for a few minutes until Breyer intervenes to ask a Breyeresque long hypothetical question that takes Breyer a few minutes just to ask.
Sixth Comment, at 1:26: The respondent side of the argument is sort of boring, actually. It's mostly the libs asking questions, but they seem to know they won't get five votes so they're just asking for the sake of it rather than to try to find a majority view for their side. (Or maybe I'm just sufficiently convinced of that that I'm paying less attention — always a possibility.) One big moment is when Kennedy comes out and says he thinks Miller is "deficient" — he notes that Gura is being carefully consistent with it, but suggests that there's no need to be.
Seventh Comment, at 1:49: Near the end of Gura's argument, they're dickering over degrees of scrutiny. But my sense is that it won't matter: Roberts presumably either writes it himself or gives it to Kennedy, and the Court won't need to answer degrees of scrutiny to affirm the DC Circuit.
Eighth Comment, at 1:52: Dellinger in rebuttal gives a shout out to the 17th Street Hardware store, presumably the one just south of R. Great hardware store.
Ninth Comment, at 2:01: As Dellinger finishes up, I tend to think that Heller is an example of advocates not really mattering in the biggest cases. This argument isn't Dellinger v. Clement v. Gura; it's Roberts v. Souter v. Kennedy v. Scalia v. Breyer. The Justices have thought through these issues for weeks if not months, and they know pretty much where they come out; none of the advocates seem to be getting much traction, but that's because the Justices are totally up to speed. I think this happens relatively often in the Supreme Court's biggest oral arguments, actually. By the time of oral argument, the lawyer could have read from the phone book for a half hour and obtained the same result.
http://women.timesonline.co.uk/tol/
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It's not out yet; try around 2 or 3 pm.
Uhhh... wtf?
Ernesto: Clement is the U.S. Solicitor General. He's a General, just like the Postmaster General and Attorney General.
Whatever the outcome of this case, I hope the opinion is not a repeat of Kennedy's vacuous rhetoric in Lawrence. Swing vote or not, someone should take the man's keyboard away for all our sakes.
Gura's really choking; I feel embarrassed for him. He's not really addressing the Court's concerns.
Just striking down the D.C. law probably would only really provide a roadmap for the most extreme gun control laws (Chicago immediately leaps to mind), but what about other restrictions? What about "assault weapons" bans like California's? What about right-to-carry? I can easily see a situation where the Ninth Circuit decides that some of California's fairly strict gun laws are constitutional while other circuits strike down much less restrictive laws in other states.
The Junk Mail episode:
Do you at least agree with me that based on Scalia's understanding he's got the right view of this case? Ehh prolly not.
It's not unique; just wrong. This would have been obvious 200 years ago, and presumably it makes no sense to change the title of the position just because people no longer understand historical title usages.
As for Scalia's view, I'm not paying attention to it; he's not the swing vote. But if you agree with it, I assume it is wrong.
Why would you think Stevens is "senile" and Breyer is a "nut"? Is that because they appear to disagree with you?
More likely, I see the official statement being strict scrutiny, but voiced in such a manner that nearly all restrictions will match the compelling government interest attribute. That'll leave a lot of variation from one district to the next, but keep the SCOTUS in more control.
Yes, Kennedy is assumed to be. But how do we know Breyer is definitely in the dissent?
A: Robert Bork believes the Second Amendment only guarantees a militia right but opposes gun control for policy reasons.
They don't call general officers of the army "Officer."
Just because you change the order Solicitor General vs. general officer doesn't change the fact that the word "General" is, in both cases, an adjective meant to modify the other word. A Solicitor General is similar to an Attorney General:, i.e., a Solicitor or Attorney who handles General matters (i.e. ALL legal matters that come before him/her).
What is confusing is that in the U.S. the word general has come to also mean a specific rank when applied to the Armed Services
If Miller's reasoning either was repudiated or was limited only to (purely hypothetical, today) instances of "militia-related" exercise of the right to keep and bear arms, then the apparent concern with distinguishing between arguably permitted handguns versus machineguns could be more easily resolved. And abrogating Miller would make it easier to articulate (or avoiding articulating for now) a standard of review that preserves machinegun regulation while tossing out D.C.'s gun bans.
Actually, on the threshold question of individual v. collective right, there's a chance of 7-2: Justice Ginsburg's limited questioning seemed focused on the effect of the standard of review on existing Federal law, right?
so lets all wait outside 48 hours ahead of time for the next one (x v NYC or y v chicago)-whether the 2nd applies to the states
Bork has since changed his mind, joining an amici brief on behalf of Heller, which argues that the Second Amendment protects an individual right.
It appears that 1-2 of the libs may find a nominal individual right, but could attempt to apply a rational basis standard to preserve the DC prohibition.
Kennedy and Roberts do not appear to believe that the Court needs to set a standard of review because a firearm prohibition would fail any standard of review for a right to keep arms. Alito is more of an incrementalist and would probably concur.
Scalia appears to be leaning toward applying the same strict scrutiny applied to the First Amendment. I would think Thomas might concur.
The Kennedy and Roberts position offering a narrow ruling and punting the hard stuff down the road will probably prevail.
For those of you still arguing otherwise, I will make a conscientious effort to keep off your lawn, but I refuse to turn down the music. You're half deaf anyway.
The problem (if it is one) is that there is a huge pent up demand, in some circles, for a ruling that acknowleges a broad individual right. This apparently had some of the amici swinging for the fences. I had read that Gura carefully structured the challenge to DC's ban, in such a way as to make the case not a referendum on gun laws in general. It seems even the Respondent's team has succumbed to the temptation to reach.
I, as much as anyone, would like to see the court conduct a scorched earth assault on pointless and unconstitutional gun laws, but agree with Roberts' position (if it is his position) that the court should only decide what they must decide. I wonder if there won't be some strong pressure--maybe a little horse trading?--from the pro-individual rights side of the bench to at least obliquely address the question of scrutiny, rather than leave that to Hillary's or Obama's court to decide. Is Roberts the kind of CJ who will draw lines in the sand? I hope so.
I have been ordered to confess error. If one assumes that the Second Amendment BOTH protects an individual's RKBA as well as a state's right to maintain a "well-regulated militia" against Federal interference, the "purely hypothetical" militia-related right I dissed may not be entirely hypothetical.
I was thinking about the National Guard, a creature of Federal law, as the only modern "well regulated militia," and assumed a "militia-related" RKBA is not a real issue today. No need for Second Amendment protection of a body that can be Federalized by Presidential order. BUT, my friend pointed out (and the ever-'authoritative' Wikipedia confirmed) there is actually a Virginia state militia, the "Virginia Defense Force," which under state law is a quasi-military body under the Governor's control. It has upwards of 700 volunteer sworn members, who do apparently drill and even have uniforms. It's mainly used as an auxillary to the Virginia National Guard.
If in a time of emergency the Governor calls up the VDF and orders them armed with select fire M-16s, the Second Amendment could come into play if the Federal government took exception to the VDF having machineguns in apparent violation of the 1934 NFA. Or so the argument goes. On second thought, yes, that's still pretty "hypothetical." I hope...
link
General can be a noun, but in the context of the phrase 'Solicitor General' or 'Surgeon General,' it's an adjective. It's not like solicitor or surgeon are adjectives denoting what type of general the respective SGs are, in the same way that 'oil' is an adjective modifying the noun 'minister' in the phrase 'oil minister'; it's the other way around. The confusion stems from the word order. What Solicitor General really means is General Solicitor.
Not sure how this is relevant, since no one in the American military has the title "general officer."
In milspeak, there are three classifications of commissioned officer: company grade (second lieutenant through captain), field grade (major through colonel), and general officer (brigadier general {1 star} through general {4 star}) These are categories, not titles. The proper form of address for general officers is "general."
This holds true for the Army, Air Force, and Marine Corps. The Navy does things their own way.
Hope this adds to the discussion.
DonR
When I was in the Navy, we called that "the right way." :-)
As I recall, Ensign through Lieutenant Commander (O-1 -- O-4) are referred to as junior officers, Commanders and Captains (O-5 &O-6) are staff officers (get modest scrambled eggs on the bills of their combination covers), and Admirals of all varieties (O-7 -- O-10) are flag officers (entitled to a personal flag and lots of scrambled eggs). LCDR's kind of get shortchanged, since their Army equivalents are "field grade" while they are still "junior" officers.
I'll have to remember this the next time Tom Goldstein or Ted Olson explains why you need a Supreme Court appellate argument specialist to handle your case. I understand why you might want a team of former SCOTUS clerks working on your case during the cert petition stage and on the merits briefs. But if (in the big cases anyway) "[b]y the time of oral argument, the lawyer could have read from the phone book for a half hour and obtained the same result," then tell me why oral argument can't be handled by the attorneys who argued the case before the court of appeals or the state supreme court? For the "biggest cases," is there a rationale for hiring the latest incarnation of John W. Davis or Thurgood Marshall to handle the argument?
My answer would be that Therut does not know what he is talking about. Calling Breyer a nut is just a subjective judgment that is fair (although I very much disagree with it), but calling Stevens senile is absurd, because Stevens is not senile, and there is no evidence that he is. Indeed, he oftentimes seems to be the Justice with the best mastery of the case &record from the few questions he does ask (which are usually about some point that only someone who knows the record well would ask).
Although I am positive that no objective observer would believe Stevens to be senile, I am biased: I think Stevens is teh awesomest Justice evah and pwns Scalia everytime Scalia tries to take him on, and a sick part of me hopes McCain wins just so Stevens has to try to stick it out another four years.
I don't think Bork believes the Constitution guarantees any individual rights so it's not really fair to cite him as an example here.
WBR,
Alex
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