In the Wall Street Journal, Randy Barnett has some extravagant praise for Justice Scalia's opinion:
Justice Scalia's opinion is exemplary for the way it was reasoned. It will be studied by law professors and students for years to come. It is the clearest, most careful interpretation of the meaning of the Constitution ever to be adopted by a majority of the Supreme Court. Justice Scalia begins with the text, and carefully parses the grammatical relationship of the "operative clause" identifying "the right to keep and bear arms" to the "prefatory clause" about the importance of a "well-regulated militia." Only then does he consider the extensive evidence of original meaning that has been uncovered by scholars over the past 20 years – evidence that was presented to the Court in numerous "friends of the court" briefs.
Justice Scalia's opinion is the finest example of what is now called "original public meaning" jurisprudence ever adopted by the Supreme Court. This approach stands in sharp contrast to Justice John Paul Stevens's dissenting opinion that largely focused on "original intent" – the method that many historians employ to explain away the text of the Second Amendment by placing its words in what they call a "larger context." Although original-intent jurisprudence was discredited years ago among constitutional law professors, that has not stopped nonoriginalists from using "original intent" – or the original principles "underlying" the text – to negate its original public meaning.
Of course, the originalism of both Justices Scalia's and Stevens's opinions are in stark contrast with Justice Breyer's dissenting opinion, in which he advocates balancing an enumerated constitutional right against what some consider a pressing need to prohibit its exercise. Guess which wins out in the balancing? As Justice Scalia notes, this is not how we normally protect individual rights, and was certainly not how Justice Breyer protected the individual right of habeas corpus in the military tribunals case decided just two weeks ago.
So what larger lessons does Heller teach? First, the differing methods of interpretation employed by the majority and the dissent demonstrate why appointments to the Supreme Court are so important. In the future, we should be vetting Supreme Court nominees to see if they understand how Justice Scalia reasoned in Heller and if they are committed to doing the same.
We should also seek to get a majority of the Supreme Court to reconsider its previous decisions or "precedents" that are inconsistent with the original public meaning of the text. This shows why elections matter – especially presidential elections – and why we should vet our politicians to see if they appreciate how the Constitution ought to be interpreted.
Good legal scholarship was absolutely crucial to this outcome. No justice is capable of producing the historical research and analysis upon which Justice Scalia relied. Brilliant as it was in its execution, his opinion rested on the work of many scholars of the Second Amendment, as I am sure he would be the first to acknowledge.
Justice Stevens, in many respects my favorite justice, needs better clerks — or a better interpretive jurisprudence. As I noted earlier, he was led astray by the weak historian's brief, which not only misled Stevens about the past but induced him to use the tenuous and discredited mode of judicial reasoning that Randy identifies.
Justice Breyer’s dissent, on the other hand, is just plain embarrassing — if possible, even more embarrassing than his book.
June 27th, 2008
In what has become the typical 5-4 split on the Supreme Court–with 4 conservatives on the good side, 4 liberals on the bad side, and Justice Kennedy swinging in the middle, SCOTUS struck down the D.C. ban on the legal possession of handguns for self-defense. Score one for the good guys! (http://apnews.myway.com/article/20080627/D91I48C82.html)
I hope someone is keeping tally on the D.C. crime rate. If it goes up, watch for headlines, prime time specials, and rallies for new gun laws. If the crime rate goes down, watch for no media coverage. I’m betting on a plunging crime rate as Joe Average D.C. Citizen starts packing a weapon to ward off the already-armed reprobates.
One can only hope that the next Court sees a few more conservatives who just may determine there is no “right to privacy” in the Constitution and overturn Roe V. Wade. One can always dream, no?
Tags: CRIME RATE, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, GUNS, SCOTUS, SECOND AMENDMENT
I disagree on the basic principle: It seems to me that a reasoned explanation of why a dissent is wrong is essential to the judicial process. Judicial power must be based on reason, not mere will. At the same time, I agree that AS and JPS went at it for too long; apparently they kept it up at the court session, too -- see Tony Mauro's coverage at the BLT blog.
I think Stevens deserved what he got. Some of his arguments are ludicrous or predicated on falsehoods. For example, Miller was not convicted.
Roberts: b. 27 January 1955. Age 53. Will be 57 on Inauguration Day 2013, 61 in 2017.
Stevens: 20 April 1920. Age 88. Will be 92 in 2013, 96 in 2017.
Scalia: b. 11 March 1936. Age 72. Will be 76 in 2013, 80 in 2017.
Kennedy: b. 23 July 1936. Age 71. Will be 75 in 2013, 79 in 2017.
Souter: b. 17 September 1939. Age 68. Will be 73 in 2013, 77 in 2017.
Thomas: b. 23 June 1948. Age 60. Will be 64 in 2013, 68 in 2017.
Ginsburg: b. 15 March 1933. Age 75. Will be 79 in 2013, 83 in 2017.
Breyer: b. 15 August 1938. Age 69. Will be 74 in 2013, 78 in 2017.
Alito: b. 1 April 1950. Age 58. Will be 62 in 2013, 68 in 2017.
Since 1970, the average retirement age of a Justice is 79, and the average tenure 25.6 years. Oliver Wendell Holmes was the oldest sitting Justice ever, and retired at 90. Stevens has been on the Court since 1975, Scalia since 1986, Kennedy since 1988.
If anyone is interested, the average age of Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg and Breyer is 75, or 71 (rounded up) if you subtract Stevens. The average age of Roberts, Scalia, Thomas and Alito is 61 (rounded up).
According to the the NY Times, the money quote in the dissent is the majority "would have us believe the framers of the Constitution owuld
2) Mr. Alridge--see original public meaning.
Scalia has certain political opinions (pro-federal government, pro-death penalty, anti-abortion, etc). In this case he likes the second amendment so got the right result (in my opinion), by picking those historical sources that support his view, in principle not different from what the dissent did. The only difference is that this time most of the historical sources happened to be on his side.
I agree with this wholeheartedly. Compare Scalia's opinion in Heller with Kennedy's opinion in Kennedy v. Louisiana. Even if Scalia treated his majority opinion a bit too much like a dissent, he understood that his opinion would continue to be scrutinized, and his opinion should have answers to the dissent's points (which I don't think were frivolous by any means, though one might disagree with them). Kennedy tends to just announce an opinion and let the dissent's cries fall on deaf ears. I think his opinions would be better if he did more to engage in the debate.
Describing the historians' Heller amicus brief as "weak", as Jim Lindgren does, is actually a vast understatement. My critical analysis of the historians' brief points out a number of obvious historical errors and also explains why it is "inapplicable" (to use Madison's own word) to compare the English Bill of Rights to an American bill of rights.
You can read "Why DC's Gun Law is Unconstitutional" at the History News Network:
http://hnn.us/articles/47238.html
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