Back in January, eminent domain scholar Gideon Kanner and I (in this post) pointed out several inaccuracies in prominent legal journalist Jeffrey Toobin's discussion of Kelo v. City of New London in his book The Nine. Among other things, we pointed out that Toobin was wrong to say that Kelo had attracted little attention until after the case came down, and wrong to attribute the enormous political backlash generated by Kelo to "the conservative movement." To the contrary, many of the strongest denunciations of Kelo came from liberals such as Ralph Nader, Bill Clinton, Howard Dean, and Maxine Waters. Numerous liberal organizations, including the NAACP, AARP, and Southern Christian Leadership Conference filed amicus briefs supporting the property owners in the case. In the general population, some 77% of self-described liberals stated in polls that they opposed the decision (data and quotes documented in this article).
Jeffrey Toobin apparently read my post, and to his credit e-mailed senior conspirator Eugene Volokh to indicate that he would make corrections in the paperback edition of his book. That paperback edition is now out, and Toobin did indeed make a minor correction, revising the text to note that "[e]ven some liberals, who regarded the decision as a symptom of authoritarian government, denounced [Justice] Stevens' [majority] opinion [in Kelo]."
This is an improvement over the previous edition of the book, where the liberal reaction against Kelo was entirely omitted. But for reasons noted by Gideon Kanner, Toobin's revised text is still highly misleading. I agree with most of Gideon's discussion, and would add two additional points:
First, Toobin's revised text misstates the reason why the liberal opponents of Kelo objected to the decision. It was not because they thought it was "a symptom of authoritarian government" but because it licenses government officials to engage in condemnations that tend to victimize the poor, minorities, and the politically weak for the benefit of influential developers and other powerful interest groups. The NAACP, AARP, and SCLC made these points in their amicus brief in the case. I linked that brief in the post that Toobin had read, so it was surely available to him.
Second, the phrase "even some liberals" gives the misleading impression that Kelo critics were a minority (perhaps a small one, given the extremely brief mention devoted to it, as compared to the much more extensive discussion of conservative critics) among liberals. In reality, the vast majority of liberal public opinion and liberal activist groups disapproved of the Court's decision. Then-Democratic National Committee Chair Howard Dean even went so far as to misleadingly denounce the decision as the handiwork of "a Republican-appointed Supreme Court" in order to disassociate liberal Democrats from it (quoted on pp. 7-8 of this article).
We all make mistakes and I am not accusing Toobin of deliberate deception here. Even so, it is unfortunate that a prominent work on the Supreme Court by one of the country's best-known legal journalists contains such significant errors about the most important Supreme Court property rights decision in many years. As Eugene Volokh pointed out in a series of posts, the first edition of the book also had a lot of other factual errors (I have not yet had a chance to check if these other errors were fixed in the paperback edition).
He'll go down in history (if he does,) not for being the first with revolutionary ideas, but for being the first to say them well.
Kelo is a third rail now. Say anything good about it, and your political career is over.
It is the liberal position.
The fact that it was the liberal justices that carried the day simply proves the point.
This is not new, think of Robert Moses and NYC. Think of the massive land grab for NY's water system.
I think if there is any liberal objection, its to the small bore nature of Kelo. Also they hated what is said about them.
The fact that Toobin stumbled on the truth was just that, an accident.
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We are of course aware that all our land law stems originally from the English feudal system put in place after the arrival of William the Conqueror.
In specifically, I am referring to the legal fiction that the sovereign was at one point in the past physically seized of all the lands in the realm. This postulation legitimized the practical and necessary policy of allowing the State ultimate control over all its lands.
Would anyone here argue the policy is any less necessary today?
Despite the tempting allure of allodial title to anyone who believes in individual liberties, and at the risk of channelling Jeremy Bentham, are we not also bound to consider the greater good?
Search as hard as you want for any true examples of allodial title in the modern world. Apart from some extremely rare cases in Scotland and continental Western Europe, you will not find any cases of true allodium anywhere on this Earth.
The United States grants the right to an allod in Texas and Nevada, but this is of course limited in all the important respects, and therefore isn't allodium at all. It just relieves you from your responsibility to pay rates, but you have to pay a lump sum for that "right".
Fact is, all land in the United States is subject to eminent domain, just as almost all land in the entire world is subject to resumption by its relevant municipal government. There is a sound basis for this, rooted firmly in the greater good, and - I know this will be even more unpopular - the rights of the collective over the individual.
There will naturally be cases where land is resumed for questionable reasons, but putting conditions on the State's ability to resume land sets a dangerous precedent. Are policy and infrastructure needs to be subordinate to the whim of a man who wants to stay in his "castle"? See the Australian film. It's a touching concept but by no means practical.
Although the feudal title is purportedly illegal throughout the United States, we must face the fact that, basically, we are still living in such a system. Our land law rests upon the legal fiction that the sovereign was at one point in time physically seized of all the land and thus had a right to it based in possession. All lawful grants stem from that sovereign to the grantee. There are a few cases in the United States where owners hold their lands as a grant not from the United States, but from the English king; however, this does not negate the point.
Limiting eminent domain or placing conditions on its exercise (other than fair compensation) is impractical and weakens the state considerably, and not in a good way. Were such a policy to be considered, it would be tantamount to an abdication of the entire system. A million fiefdoms owned by shotgun toting yokels might be your idea of a great nation, but I prefer stability.
Aside from not providing any reason why conditions like restricting eminent domain to property which the state will retain title to (schools &highways but not private pharmaceutical companies) would be impractical, you miss part of sovereignty. In the US the legal fiction is that the people of the several states are the original sovereign and the several states are the original sovereigns of the US as a whole. E.g., royal grants are not valid as deeds to the land through the successor state concept but instead they are statements of which land was controlled by who at the time of the creation of the states. Mind you it doesn't really affect your argument, just when talking about the legal fictions of sovereignty it is important to keep them all in mind.
Equally of interest is the dissenting opinion authored by the much maligned Justice Thomas. He and the other dissenters seem to understand the difference between "use" and "purpose", and Justice Thomas particularly seems to understand the realities associated with the all too common manner by which eminent domain is misused by powerful private interests working in concert with elected officials.
I think that if I was his editor my advice would be to make the most minor changes possible - yet address the most irrefutable comments from the author's critics.
Permitting an author to do a complete 180 would call the whole book into doubt. And since only a minority of those who buy the book will read it through, and only a minority of that minority will have enough knowledge to identify the issue, why change the book for the five vocal critics - even if they're right?
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As to the question of liberals and ED/Kelo, I suspect the issue is being framed slightly off-target. Consider the proposed use of the to-be-condemned property, and you might better predict a liberal's yes-or-no gut reaction. Is the land for a new nuclear power plant? A coal-fired mini generator? Or a solar array? Does the Navy want a new submarine training facility? Or is this to be a public works project built with lots of politically connected labor union involvement, ala Big Dig?
Anyway, you get the idea.
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As I recall American history, our revolution from British tyranny had been fought for, most successfully, by an awful lot of those shotgun toting yokels, but of course there were many who had thought it more proper to just swim, dance, and play, were they were told.
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