In April, I signed a joint letter to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, raising concerns about the nomination Yale Law School Dean Harold Koh to be Legal Advisor to the U.S. Department of State. The No Koh website contains a detailed report on Koh, written by Ed Whelan of the Ethics & Public Policy Center. The website also contains videos, a blog, and a FAQ, although these are aimed more at a lay audience than at persons engaged with legal policy.
While I agree with most, although not necessarily all, of the points made on the No Koh website, my own view on Koh is based on reading six of his law review articles: A World Drowning in Guns, 71 Fordham Law Review 2333 (2003); Is International Law Really State Law? 111 Harvard Law Review 1824 (1998); On American Exceptionalism, 55 Stanford Law Review 1479 (2003); The 1998 Frankel Lecture: Bringing International Law Home, 35 Houston Law Review 623 (1998); International Law as Part of Our Law, 98 American Journal of International Law 43 (2004); Why Transnational Law Matters, 24 Penn State International Law Review 745 (2006).
Deah Koh is an excellent writer and an impressive scholar. But his legal vision is for a substantial diminution of the sovereignty of the American people, and as Legal Advisor to the State Department, he would have tremendous power to advance that vision. As Dean Koh has explained, his writings on transnationalism are not merely descriptive; they are also a strategy for activists. Of course Dean Koh has the right to advocate as sees fit. The Constitution, however, requires that major presidential appointees must earn the Advice and Consent of the United States Senate. The Senate's duty to be especially careful on Advice and Consent would seem to be at its apex when an appointee's record shows a long-standing determination to weaken the existing constitutional sovereignty of the United States of America.
The No on Koh Letter:
Really?
Permit me to doubt.
To the extent the Ds are to blame for creating a culture of challenging nominees, (1) they are/were wrong to do so, (2) that doesn't make it right for Rs.
Just to supplement the point already made by Anderson and Oren, it seems to me that the point of even a weak unitary executive theory is that it holds the President himself responsible for the actions of the Executive branch. That Prof. Koh might "weaken the sovereignty" in the absence of Obama's own determination to do so strikes me as, well, implausible.
Also, I'm not at all sure what you mean here. The sovereign authority of the United States remains where it has always been -- in We, the People. Nothing Koh does or fails to do can "weaken" that.
What if a nominee advocated a return to slavery? Or, even worse, was anti-abortion?
Why not?
The 2 Foggy Bottom guys themselves are just pretexts, and the offices formalities, it seems. But the real arguments are real, and both sides were/are serious about them.
Out of curiosity as someone who does not know much about the position of Legal Advisor to the U.S. Department of State, I am curious exactly how Koh could use this position to reduce the sovereignty of the United States. What sorts of scenarios do you have in mind?
Well, that goes without saying. Tho I am sort of digging the idea that the mild-mannered "Legal Advisor" to the State Dep't, who dresses in pinstriped suits and has a high squeaky voice, by night dons his black tights &cape and becomes the Evil Super-Villain SOVEREIGNTY CRUSHER, with "tremendous power" to unmake the very legal fabric of the cosmos ... er, the American portion thereof, anyway.
Because I'm not quite sure what changes the ESV would be able to make in our laws, without the "advice &consent of the Senate" which I recall having read about somewhere very, very recently.
In sum, he doesn't find the First Amendment "too deeply unsettling" to world order. What a ringing endorsement!
Well, if no lesser office really matters, why were the Democrats so upset about (and fought so hard against) the appointments of the likes of Bolten?
Indeed, the President is entitled to substantial deference in his choice of executive officers. He won the election, and that should have an impact. However, the mere fact that all executive branch officials ultimately answer to the President and in theory are to pursue his policies rather than their own does not mean that those officials have no power, that their views are immaterial and irrelevant. Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State handles foreign policy matters differently than some other potential appointee.
Moreover, the President is responsible for many decisions and issues, few of which can actually be debated in public during a long campaign. We have historically used the confirmation process to conduct specific policy debates on such issues. As long as the opposition doesn't resort to character assassination in order to achieve a policy goal, it's entirely appropriate to deny confirmation as a part of that larger debate.
To notice that he will indeed have power to affect U.S. interests in such a position is hardly to claim that he will have evil super powers. Anderson is following a popular rhetorical trick of attributing to one's opponent absurd and extreme arguments not actually made.
Moreover, when the Senate consents to someone, it is to some extent putting its imprimatur on the views that person is likely to espouse in the policy position to which he is appointed. Much is made, for example, of the fact that most Republicans voted to confirm Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the Supreme Court. The fact is often touted as evidence that her views weren't out of line with the mainstream.
If some other President were appointing an individual with a history of promoting white separatist ideas, for example, nobody would suggest that his views (even in an area not related to his new policy responsibilities) are immaterial. And the Senate would certainly refuse on principle to put its seal of approval on such views by consenting to the nomination.
Koh's views on the power of international law to constrain our domestic law are indeed extreme. The Senate should not endorse such views, and should refute them by rejecting the nomination.
Then the US should not become signatory to such treaties. Problem solved.
Or are you saying US should become signatory to treaties with no intention of abiding by them?
OMV, the Answer Man!
Thanx, but it's a little tricky for me to think of anything really awful Koh could do that wouldn't result in (1) a shitstorm that would (2) provoke President Wishwash into rescinding whatever it is.
.. Tho since Kopel's on this, I infer that "gunz!" figures in the answer somewhere.
Or on a more personal note, let's say my dual US/Foreign Country citizenship is suddenly found to be unacceptable by the State Department (as it has been in the past, per my understanding), because some procedural requirement is met/unmet. They can make it policy to strip me of my US citizenship. Just a few minor reinterpretations of the law, and presto.
This guy is a lawyer. Make no mistake, he has to be watched.
Moreover, of course, often the interpretation of broad pronouncements (e.g. UN Conventions against Racisim) are subject to ... shall we say, "unusual" implementation at the national level (e.g. the UN equation of Zionism with Racism) that we would not want to become automatically binding on the US by act of the UN. And so ... we say that we reserve the right to interpret international agreements consistent with our understanding.
Here I thought you had objected to various Bush Administration actions based on some sort of principle, and it turns out you go by vocal timbre, like some sort of house pet.
This suggests a winning strategy for 2012 - proud American exceptionalism for some, squeaky chew toys for others!
Don't look now, but you're surrounded!
[Though I would note that policy does cut it. Elections have consequences, including those where Republicans win.]
Talk about diminishing America...
Cheers,
Translation: I don't like his politics.
Our constitution does say that "all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land". Seems to me that our very constitution gives some pretty serious sovereignty over to the international law that's been created by treaties negotiated by the executive and ratified by Congress.
So wouldn't resolutions passed by the UN, because they are an organization we have assented to via treaty, be binding and part of the 'supreme law' of our land? Maybe this Koh guy thinks we've strayed away from our constitutional obligation to make treaties supreme. I could actually see how this would have a better reputation with other parties we might make agreements with in the future.
The United States has NEVER acknowledged the right of United Nations Resolutions (as opposed to Security Council resolutions) to be binding--which I think is an eminently good thing. I do not want an anonymous bureaucrat, unaccountable to American officials in any matter, to be setting American polity.
A post as meritless as this does not merit anything beyond snark.
As Huskylaw (you in Seattle, Husk?) notes, Kopel relies on an unstated premise that is simply risible: ANY diminuition of sovereignty is to be avoided.
On that logic, the 13 states would never have assented to the Constitution which Kopel now professes to be so interested in defending against Super-Koh.
I doubt whether sovereignty is a good in and of itself, but regardless, even if it were a good, it would still be a good that could be diminished in exchange for benefits.
And I continue to doubt that the legal advisor to State can singlehandedly, unilaterally make any significant dent in American sovereignty without the involvement of the Senate.
Is this meant in jest? While some weapons are purchased in the US, the press reports are grossly inflated. Drug gangs like assault rifles, grenades and machine guns, both extremely tightly controlled in the US. The assault rifle version of the AK-47 - meaning, selectable fire - costs about $10,000, while it is $500 in many other parts of the world.
For those not gun knowledgeable, a "machine gun" (fully automatic or selectable-fire weapon) cannot be purchased in the US without time consuming background checks and a lot of money.
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