John Hasnas had a very good op-ed in the WSJ a few days on empathy, the "seen" and the "unseen." Here's a taste:
Compassion is defined as a feeling of deep sympathy for those stricken by misfortune, accompanied by a strong desire to alleviate the suffering; empathy is the ability to share in another's emotions, thoughts and feelings. Hence, a compassionate judge would tend to base his or her decisions on sympathy for the unfortunate; an empathetic judge on how the people directly affected by the decision would think and feel. What could be wrong with that? . . .
As important as compassion and empathy are, one can have these feelings only for people that exist and that one knows about -- that is, for those who are "seen." . . .
In general, one can feel compassion for and empathize with individual plaintiffs in a lawsuit who are facing hardship. They are visible. One cannot feel compassion for or empathize with impersonal corporate defendants, who, should they incur liability, will pass the costs on to consumers, reduce their output, or cut employment. Those who must pay more for products, or are unable to obtain needed goods or services, or cannot find a job are invisible.
The law consists of abstract rules because we know that, as human beings, judges are unable to foresee all of the long-term consequences of their decisions and may be unduly influenced by the immediate, visible effects of these decisions. The rules of law are designed in part to strike the proper balance between the interests of those who are seen and those who are not seen. The purpose of the rules is to enable judges to resist the emotionally engaging temptation to relieve the plight of those they can see and empathize with, even when doing so would be unfair to those they cannot see.
Calling on judges to be compassionate or empathetic is in effect to ask them to undo this balance and favor the seen over the unseen. Paraphrasing Bastiat, if the difference between the bad judge and the good judge is that the bad judge focuses on the visible effects of his or her decisions while the good judge takes into account both the effects that can be seen and those that are unseen, then the compassionate, empathetic judge is very likely to be a bad judge.
IOW, the bad judge looks only to the parties before the court, whereas the good judge remembers that she is making policy?
Got it -- thanks!
But seriously folks, That's one of the greatest essays of all time. I'm suprised it doesn't get more play.
There, Anderson, fixed that for you.
Why are "abstract rules" more likely to account for unforeseeable (by the judge) consequences than concrete rules?
Don't at least some cases--e.g., antitrust cases, corporate bankruptcy cases--involve considerations of effects on consumers, on output, or on employment decisions? It seems to me that a superficial reading of Mr. Obama's argument for empathy by judges includes empathy for both parties in a suit, including the "corporate defendant." In these kinds of cases, don't the "corporate defendants" sometimes couch their defense in terms of the broader effects an adverse decision might have on the economy or society?
No, I don't have a cite, but I seem to recall the president saying some such thing in touting Ms. Sotomayor's reputed experience in the private sector. And yes, I realize that may just be stage fire for claiming she'll empathize with everyone while really believing she'll empathize only with the poor, and downtrodden, etc. My only point is that "empathy" can potentially often include what the writer of this op-ed claims is "unseen."
It is creditable to Charles's temper that, ill as he thought of his species, he never became a misanthrope. He saw little in men but what was hateful. Yet he did not hate them. Nay, he was so far humane that it was highly disagreeable to him to see their sufferings or to hear their complaints. This, however, is a sort of humanity which, though amiable and laudable in a private man whose power to help or hurt is bounded by a narrow circle, has in princes often been rather a vice than a virtue. More than one well disposed ruler has given up whole provinces to rapine and oppression, merely from a wish to see none but happy faces round his own board and in his own walks. No man is fit to govern great societies who hesitates about disobliging the few who have access to him, for the sake of the many whom he will never see. The facility of Charles was such as has perhaps never been found in any man of equal sense. He was a slave without being a dupe. Worthless men and women, to the very bottom of whose hearts he saw, and whom he knew to be destitute of affection for him and undeserving of his confidence, could easily wheedle him out of titles, places, domains, state secrets and pardons. He bestowed much; yet he neither enjoyed the pleasure nor acquired the fame of beneficence. He never gave spontaneously; but it was painful to him to refuse. The consequence was that his bounty generally went, not to those who deserved it best, nor even to those whom he liked best, but to the most shameless and importunate suitor who could obtain an audience.
Nonsense. Employees/owners of large law firms naturally develop empathy for their corporate clients, as they grow to understand and anticipate their needs. Lawyers whose work enforcing corporations' property rights have bought them condoes, Porsches, and "bottle service" are keenly attuned to the benefits corporations confer on society.
Further, inspection of Hasnas's CV suggests his empathy for corporations was developed while he was assistant general counsel for Koch Industries, a conglomerate principally owned by the two sons of its oilman founder. One of the sons ran for VP on the Libertarian Party ticket, according to wikipedia. The Koch Family Foundation supports the Cato Institute.
Or, Hasnas's natural compassion for corporations made him a congenial hire.
Indeed, I believe that one of the Koch sons (Charles?) is a founder of Cato. Their father (Fred) was a founder of the John Birch Society, and I spent a college summer in North Manchester, IN pumping gas at a Colonial station owned by Koch Oil. Not all of these are related (or interesting....)
Certainly one can feel empathy for all the people mentioned. Why not?
Think about it this way. Surely it is appropriate for legislators to have empathy, and to let that influence their law-making. If Hasnas is correct, then the laws will never be fair to corporations, or the "unseen" or whoever.
It does not follow from the ability "to share the emotions, thoughts and feelings of others" that a judge would base her decisions on "how the people directly affected by the decision would think and feel." The ability of empathy gives the judge more information upon which to base a decision, but does not imply that information will overrule other considerations like the text of statutes, precedent, etc.
In fact, I just had a conversation with another women about women who can manipulate men easily, but who don't fool other women at all. I'm sure there is something similar about members of the same ethnic/racial groups.
Should the age, gender, and income of a party play a part in the application of the law? I find the idea absurd.
I was reminded of a parallel to the scenario in the new Sam Raimi movie, Drag Me to Hell, in which a woman is tormented by a demon because she refuses to grant a third loan extension to a poor old woman.
In the aftermath of the housing "crisis" - is it wrong to expect people to repay loans? Is it more wrong to expect women, the elderly, or low-income borrowers to fulfill their loan obligations?
Why is this so confusing?
Now, there might be cases where the way you go about enforcing rules might change with the individual. An elderly or sick person might require somewhat more time to vacate, say. A person left in the lurch by a runaway spouse might be treated differently than someone who perpetrated a deliberate scam.
But the rules still can't be completely ad hoc.
It's very difficult to feel emotional "sympathy" or "empathy" for an abstract individual. It's much more likely that judges are using logic to determine that there would be bad outcomes without the exclusionary rule.
Some of you might also be interested in Mario Rizzo's paper distinguishing between "justice" and "benevolence".
Nobody claimed otherwise. Nor has this to do with the asininity of Anderson's comment, or my comment thereon.
frankcross:
That may be so, but the balance is for the accountable elected branches to strike as best they can (how novel, separation of powers!), not for judges whose institutional role is different and who may in any event be equally mistaken as to the correct balance to strike. I'm sure you're familiar with the arguments.
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