Slate‘s Whopper of the Week column — intended to expose supposed “unambiguous falsehood[s]” by various people — had the following yesterday, under the headline “Oh, that letter to Congress linking Saddam and 9/11 …”:
This administration never said that the 9/11 attacks were orchestrated between Saddam and al Qaeda.
—President Bush, in an exchange with reporters, June 17, 2004
[A]cting pursuant to the Constitution and [the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002] is consistent with the United States and other countries continuing to take the necessary actions against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.
—President Bush, in a letter to Congress outlining the legal justification for commencing war against Iraq, March 18, 2003
Eric Soskin at Ex Parte demonstrates why the Slate writer got it badly wrong here.
UPDATE: Reader Alex Sudnik passes along the following (note that this will make the most sense if you’ve read Soskin’s post, or are otherwise familiar with Soskin’s criticism):
Section 3(b) of the Iraq Resolution [which requires the finding that an attack on Iraq would be consistent with the war on the 9/11 planners -EV] was inserted by Congress because some members (mostly Democrats) were concerned that invading Iraq would undermine our efforts to combat terrorism in Afghanistan and elsewhere around the world. So Dick Gephart (who, as Minority Leader, was negotiating with the White House on the wording of the resolution) added this provision to require the President, upon invading Iraq, to certify to Congress that the invasion would not undermine those other efforts. Hence, the language in the certification that the invasion is “consistent with continuing to take necessary actions” in the war on terror. Indeed, Dick Gephart said exactly this at the signing ceremony:
“Over the past several days, I have solicited views from all the members of my caucus and have negotiated with the administration to secure a number of important improvements that reflect these views. These improvements include: support for and prioritization of U.S. diplomatic efforts at the United Nations [Section 2 of the Iraq Resolution]; limitations on the scope of the authorization [Section 3(a)(2)]; presidential determinations to Congress before our Armed Forces may be used against Iraq. These include assurances by the President that he has exhausted diplomatic means to address this threat [Section 3(b)(1)], and that any military action against Iraq will not undermine our ongoing efforts in the war against terrorism [Section 3(b)(2)]”.
. . .
Here also is the relevant text from the Report that accompanied the Presidential determination:
4. Use of Force Against Iraq is Consistent with the War on Terror
In Public Law 107-243, Congress made a number of findings concerning Iraq’s support for international terrorism. Among other things, Congress determined that:
* Members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility for attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests, including the attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, are known to be in Iraq.
* Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international
terrorist organizations, including organizations that
threaten the lives and safety of United States citizens.* It is in the national security interests of the United
States and in furtherance of the war on terrorism that all
relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions be
enforced, including through the use of force if necessary.In addition, the Secretary of State’s address to the UN on February 5, 2003 revealed a terrorist training area in northeastern Iraq with ties to Iraqi intelligence and activities of al Qaida affiliates in Baghdad. Public reports indicate that Iraq is currently harboring senior members of a terrorist network led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a close al Qaida associate. In addition, Iraq has provided training in document forgery and explosives to al Qaida. Other terrorist groups have been supported by Iraq over past years.
Iraq has a long history of supporting terrorism, and continues to be a safe haven, transit point, and operational node for groups and individuals who direct violence against the United States and our allies. These actions violate Iraq’s obligations under the UNSCR 687 cease-fire not to commit or support any act of international terrorism or allow others who commit such acts to operate in Iraqi territory. Iraq has also failed to comply with its ceasefire obligations to disarm and submit to international inspections to verify compliance. In light of these Iraqi activities, the use of force by the United States and other countries against the current Iraqi regime is fully consistent with — indeed, it is an integral part of — the war against international terrorists and terrorist organizations.
Both because Iraq harbors terrorists and because Iraq could share weapons of mass destruction with terrorists who seek them for use against the United States, the use of force to bring Iraq into compliance with its obligations under UNSC resolutions would be a significant contribution to the war on terrorists of global reach. A change in the current Iraqi regime would eliminate an important source of support for international terrorist activities. It would likely also assist efforts to disrupt terrorist networks and capture terrorists around the globe. United States Government personnel operating in Iraq may discover information through Iraqi government documents and interviews with detained Iraqi officials that would identify individuals currently in the United States and abroad who are linked to terrorist organizations.
The use of force against Iraq will directly advance the war on terror, and will be consistent with continuing efforts against international terrorists residing and operating elsewhere in the world. The U.S. armed forces remain engaged in key areas around the world in the prosecution of the war on terrorism. The necessary preparations for and conduct of military operations in Iraq have not diminished the resolve, capability, or activities of the United States to pursue international terrorists to protect our homeland. Nor will the use of military force against Iraq distract civilian departments and agencies of the United States Government from continuing aggressive efforts in combating terrorism, or divert resources from the overall world-wide counterterrorism effort. Current counter-terrorism investigations and activities will continue during any military conflict, and winning the war on terrorism will remain the top priority for our Government.
Indeed, the United States has made significant progress on other fronts in the war on terror even while Iraq and its threat to the United States and other countries have been a focus of concern. Since November 2002, when deployments of forces to the Gulf were substantially increased, the United States, in cooperation with our allies, has arrested or captured several terrorists and frustrated several terrorist plots. For example, on March 1, 2003, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed was captured in Rawalpindi, Pakistan by Pakistani authorities, with U.S. cooperation. The capture of Sheikh Mohammed, the al Qaida “mastermind” of the September 11th attacks and Usama Bin Laden’s senior terrorist attack planner, is a severe blow to al Qaida that will destabilize the terrorist network worldwide. This and other successes make clear that the United States Government remains focused on the war on terror, and that use of force in Iraq is fully consistent with continuing to take necessary actions against terrorists and terrorist organizations.
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