The Volokh Conspiracy

"Woad trip," as a throwaway caption in Slate's review of Arthur. (I also like the title, Arthur: On the Rocks, which I take it is an allusion to the other Arthur.)

Here's the Defense Department order establishing it.

Many thanks to Gene Fidell of the National Institute of Military Justice for the pointer.

UPDATE: Marty Lederman (SCOTUSblog), who has thought a lot about the Court's recent military detention decisions, has comments.

So did Justice Scalia and Justice Kennedy, who provided two of the five votes needed to strike down the flagburning ban. On the other hand, one of the four votes to uphold the ban was Justice Stevens, who is now one of the most liberal Justices on the Court (and at the time was mostly a member of the liberal wing, alongside Justices Brennan, Marshall, and Blackmun, who were in the majority on the flagburning case).

Now maybe liberal Justice Stevens was right, and conservative Justices Scalia and Thomas were wrong on this. But it seems helpful to recognize that the flagburning-as-speech position and even the flagburning-as-protected-speech position is not just a province of those darned liberals.

For my explanation of why this position is actually correct, and why Cramer's parade of horribles is unsound, see the post below. But my point in this post is that flagburning, at least as a constitutional matter, is hardly a crisp liberal-conservative question.

Clayton Cramer e-mailed me this about the manure-spreading incident:

[I]f burning an American flag is protected freedom of expression, perhaps spreading manure [as a political protest] is too.

He was of course using it to suggest that flagburning shouldn't be protected, not that manure spreading should be.

I've never bought some conservatives' harping on the supposed ridiculousness of the Supreme Court's flagburning decision. I suspect that most people would agree that flag waving is constitutionally protected. The Supreme Court basically held that in 1931, in one of the Court's first decisions protecting free expression (Stromberg v. California). Would a law banning the waving of the Confederate flag really be obviously fine, because flagwaving isn't literally "speech" or "press"?

I suppose some people might argue that such a law would be constitutional for that reason. But I suspect that most people would disagree, and conclude that waving a flag really is a form of speech, just in a symbolic language. (It may not be oral speech, but unless one thinks that the government should have a broad right to suppress handwritten letters, because they are neither oral speech nor "press," one has to read speech more broadly than just oral speech.) Waving the flag is like wearing a black armband, applauding, saluting, wearing a satirical mask, or wearing a cross or star of David (which is protected both as religious practice and as speech).

It seems to me that flagburning is just as much symbolic speech as is flagwaving. One can argue that it's not very valuable speech, or that there's a specially compelling interest in banning it, as Chief Justice Rehnquist did in Texas v. Johnson. But the Court is quite right to treat it as speech.

Of course, all this deals with restrictions on flagburning on the grounds that it involves a flag. A law that bans the burning of all objects in certain public places — perhaps on the grounds that they are fire hazards — would be constitutional. [*] Likewise with a law that bans the placement of manure in the middle of a street.

So there's really not much tension here between the protection given flagburning and the lack of protection given manure spreading. An evenhanded ban on burning things in a place and an evenhanded ban on spreading manure there would be constitutional. Likewise, a ban on burning the American flag and a ban on spreading manure as a protest against gay pride parades would both be unconstitutional.

[*] NOTE: Under the United States v. O'Brien test, symbolic speech might be entitled to an exemption even from a generally applicable law — a law that doesn't single out expression — when the symbolic speech is highly unlikely to cause the harm that the law drives at.

This, though, is a very narrow doctrine, under which exemption claimants almost never win. And there are plausible arguments that the doctrine should generally be rejected, at least as to behavior that isn't traditionally expressive. Justice Scalia has been the chief advocate of such arguments, but note that even he recognized in the flagburning cases that a law that punishes expressive conduct precisely because it's expressive presumptively violates the First Amendment.

The Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, July 3, reports:

Police on Friday arrested a man accused of spreading manure along the path of a gaypride parade last Sunday in Conway. . . . [The man is charged with harassment,] a Class A misdemeanor, carrying a maximum fine of $1,000 and up to a year in jail.

The Conway police, fire and street departments were compiling a list of cleanup costs and will ask City Attorney Mike Murphy to pursue restitution . . . .

On Sunday morning, parade organizers John Schenck and Robert Loyd said they found manure spread outside their house at 1605 Robinson Ave. and along the parade route. City workers cleaned the street before the parade began.

Police said a dump-truck load of manure was spread on the street about 6:30 a.m. . . . [Schenck] said the episode showed why Arkansas needed a "hate-crimes" law.

The FBI defines a hate crime as "a criminal offense committed against a person or property which is motivated, in whole or in part, by the offender's bias against a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity/national origin."

How does it show that? Manure Boy is rightly being charged with a crime — spreading manure on a public street is antisocial behavior that harms those nearby, whether paraders or not; you shouldn't be allowed to do that, as political commentary or otherwise. It's properly not a very serious crime, since spreading manure isn't that harmful; a fine and a suspended sentence is likely the right penalty.

But in any event, should the law really treat differently manure spreading aimed at a gay pride parade at a St. Patrick Day's Parade (since hate crimes laws would cover crimes motivated by the target's race and ethnicity), but not manure spreading aimed at a Veterans of Foreign Wars parade or an anti-gay parade? (I assume that the spreader here was motivated by the gay pride paraders' sexual orientation, and not just their views, but the spreader at the hypothetical anti-gay parade would likely be motivated by the anti-gay paraders' political views, not their sexual orientation.)

I generally think that hate crimes laws are not unconstitutional (the Court got this right in Wisconsin v. Mitchell (1993)), though I think that they're on balance a bad idea. But applying such laws to vandalism aimed at gay-affiliated political speech but not other political speech might indeed be unconstitutional; and even if it's not unconstitutional, it is at least especially troubling.

Before the anti-homosexuality people start seizing on this as further evidence of those dominant gays trying to oppress the rest of us, let me mention that hate crimes laws were originally most seriously pushed by groups that see themselves as defending Jews and ethnic minorities. I think those laws are just as unjustified when applied to race, ethnicity, religion, or disability as they are when applied to sexual orientation. But here it looks like gay activists are just trying to get in on the same action that other groups have gotten in the past.

I'm aware that there are plausible arguments that crimes motivated by these factors are especially harmful or especially blameworthy — but I think that on balance those laws do more harm than good (see here for a brief summary of my views). And this incident is a good example of why the law should focus on the misconduct, not the anti-gay motivation behind the misconduct.

UPDATE: My original post erroneously referred to Schenck as the person who is charged with spreading the manure -- my mistake; as the excerpt makes clear, he was the parade organizer and thus in a sense the victim, not the criminal. Very sorry; just typed the wrong name.

"Sedition" is more than just a cool song from Fiddler on the Roof ("Sedition, sedition! Sedition! Who, day and night, must counsel revolution, Stir up mobs of people, urge them to revolt? . . ."). It's also the name of a crime, and a reader asks me: Given how narrow treason is, what's up with sedition?

"Sedition" has many possible meanings, but I think the reader (and some others) have used it to refer to advocacy of revolution against the government, or advocacy of illegal conduct more generally, or even attempts to arouse hostility against the government. The most famous Sedition Act in U.S. history, the Sedition Act of 1798, was limited to seditious falsehoods (though in practice was used against seditious opinions, too), and said that:

[It shall be illegal -- on pain of up to a $2000 fine and 2 years in prison -- to write or publish] any false, scandalous and malicious writing or writings against the government of the United States, or either house of the Congress of the United States, or the President of the United States, with intent to

• defame the said government, or either house of the said Congress, or the said President, or to bring them, or either of them, into contempt or disrepute;

• or to excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United States,

• or to stir up sedition within the United States, or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law, or of the powers in him vested by the constitution of the United States, or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law or act,

• or to aid, encourage or abet any hostile designs of any foreign nation against the United States, their people or government. . . .

[The Act was to remain in force until March 3, 1801, the last day of the Presidential term in which it was enacted. Bullets added. -EV]

Take away the requirement of falsehood, and set aside the hostile designs of any foreign nation, you have a working definition of "sedition."

Actually committing physical crimes, or conspiring to commit such crimes (i.e., agreeing with specific people to commit those crimes), is still illegal. But mere advocacy of crime is generally constitutionally protected (see Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969)), unless the speech is (1) intended and (2) likely to incite (3) imminent illegal conduct. The classic example is giving a speech to an angry mob, urging them (explicitly or implicitly) to attack someone or destroy some property. Public advocacy of violent conduct at some unspecified future time, on the other hand, is not treated as advocacy of imminent conduct, and is thus constitutionally protected. And imminence seems to be read quite narrowly, as referring to conduct in a few hours or a few days at most.

Now some other kinds of related speech can be restricted under other doctrines. Threatening a particular person, for instance, is unprotected under the threat exception. Soliciting a specific crime against a specific person, especially when done privately ("Please kill my wife"), is also unprotected, though the Supreme Court has never explicitly defined the distinction between this and incitement of nonimminent conduct.

But simply advocating the propriety of illegal conduct, whether it's an illegal sit-in, illegal violence, or revolution, is constitutionally protected (again, unless it's intended to or likely to cause imminent illegal conduct, which is quite unlikely). About a decade ago, for instance, a Florida sheriff urged that Ice-T (who now plays a policeman on television) be charged with sedition because of his Cop Killer song; but that would clearly be foreclosed, even if there was evidence that Ice-T was seriously urging killing of police officers (since he wasn't intending to urge imminent killing). See Lee Sheriff Wants Sedition Charge Over "Cop Killer," Orlando Sentinel Tribune, July 7, 1992, at D6.

Is the right rule? I think it probably is. While it's tempting to say that in a democracy, people who think a law is wrong should urge that it be changed, not urge that it be violated, laws that ban advocacy of illegal conduct quickly end up punishing a lot of speech that's quite valuable. Bans limited to explicit advocacy can be easily skirted; the message "break the law" can easily be conveyed without using those words. So the government will usually, for understandable reasons, try to "close this loophole" by going after implicit advocacy as well.

But much strong condemnation of a law (e.g., "Abortionists are murderers, and the law that allows abortion and protects abortionists from righteous defenders of the unborn is wrong and contemptible") can be credibly argued to be implicit advocacy of violation. The World War I-era cases (such as U.S. v. Schenck and U.S. v. Debs) might be examples of this phenomenon.

So anyone who wants to condemn an existing law will be at the mercy of prosecutors, judges, and juries -- if they conclude that deep down inside he was really intending to advocate breaking the law, and not just condemning the law and advocating that it be changed, then he'll go to prison. And as a result many people might well be deterred from even expressing strong disagreement with a law, for fear that it will be interpreted as implicit advocacy of breaking the law.

But in any case, rightly or wrongly, under the Brandenburg rule nearly all seditious advocacy constitutionally protected.

From the Washington Post:

Indianapolis native Kerry Edwards is feeling pretty good today about his decision to immortalize his name on the Web six years ago.

On Tuesday morning, shortly after Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) announced that Sen. John Edwards (D-N.C.) would be his 2004 running mate, the 34-year-old bail bondsman and owner of www.kerryedwards.com said he took down the picture of his child that graced the Web site and put up a for-sale sign.

It didn't take long for the phone to ring.

"Our campaign did inquire about KerryEdwards.com, but because of the money they were asking for we took a pass," said Kerry spokesman Michael Meehan. He said Edwards wanted a five-figure payment. . . .

I'm pretty sure Kerry Edwards' actions don't violate the Anticybersquatting Consumer Protection Act. I also suspect that they don't violate Kerry's and Edwards' right of publicity, though that's a bit more up in the air, given the vagueness of that right. And when it comes time to the smell test, it seems that the domain name owner's being named Kerry Edwards, and having registered your domain in 1998, would make judges lean in the owner's direction, even though he's now trying to exploit the fact that people would go to the site thinking it's related to the campaign. So pay the man his money, folks.

An e-mail from a reader leads me to give this brief refresher on treason. The Constitution defines treason thus:

Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.

So, some ask, does this mean that anyone who helps our enemies (as the reader suggests John Kerry did with his statements during the Vietnam War) is guilty of treason, assuming the procedural requirements are satisfied?

No. The Supreme Court has held that "adhering" requires an intent to help the nation's enemies. Merely knowledge that one's actions will help the enemies isn't enough. Thus, for instance, in Haupt v. United States (1947), the Court concluded that a father's sheltering his son -- a Nazi saboteur -- isn't treason if his intention was simply to help his son (as a result of "parental solicitude"). To be treasonous, the father's actions had to be intended to aid the Nazis. Likewise, in Cramer v. United States (1945), the Court held that:

On the other hand, a citizen may take actions, which do aid and comfort the enemy -- making a speech critical of the government or opposing its measures, profiteering, striking in defense plants or essential work, and the hundred other things which impair our cohesion and diminish our strength -- but if there is no adherence to the enemy in this, if there is no intent to betray, there is no treason.

There are some mid-19th century decisions that take a broader view of treason, for instance concluding that all trading with the enemy in time of war is treasonous, without regard for whether one is intending to help the enemy, or just intending to make money (which one knows will help the enemy, but which one doesn't do with the specific purpose of helping the ennemy). But the modern view is that intention, not knowledge, is necessary.

And this is indeed right, for the reasons Cramer gives. In wartime, many actions may help the enemy. Criticizing the government may help the enemy. Running as antiwar candidate may help the enemy (by emboldening the enemy's allies).

Raising prices, either on goods sold to the military or on goods to the public at large, may help the enemy. So can striking. So can retiring from a high-level job (in government or in essential civilian work), when one knows that one's replacement will be less effective. (None of these may help the enemy vastly, but treason law doesn't require vast assistance, only some assistance.) If all of these actions were treated as treasonous, then we would have a totalitarian regime during every war.

It's actually not clear whether even intentionally aiding the enemy should always be punishable treason, if it's done through speech. For instance, say that an American opinion leader thought during the Spanish-American War that the Spanish were in the right and deserved to win, and argued this intending to help the Spaniards -- and actually helping them, because this emboldened them, weakened domestic morale, and so on. This might well be constitutionally protected speech, though I think some other speech that aids the enemey would not be constitutionally protected; consider the Axis Sally broadcasts from Nazi Germany by Nazi employees (though U.S. citizens), or of course a government employee's revelations of nuclear secrets.

This is a complex issue, and I don't know where the line should be drawn. My friend and fellow lawprof Tom Bell has an interesting draft article about it, though I don't think I entirely agree with him.

But merely knowingly aiding the enemy through antiwar speech -- for instance, when one's intention is to get America out of what one thinks is a wrongheaded or unwinnable war, rather than to help the enemy -- is definitely not treason. One may still criticize it on various grounds, but not on that one.

I use Microsoft Word, and I'm generally pretty happy with it. If I'm wrong to be happy, that's fine, but I'm highly unlikely to invest the effort to switch to another word processor.

I would, however, like to be able to get the spell checker to ignore square brackets -- [ and ]. I don't want it to ignore text inside those brackets, only the brackets themselves. As blog readers may have noticed, it's standard legal practice (and I imagine standard in some other disciplines as well) to note changes in quotes using brackets, for instance, "Adher[ing] to [the United States'] enemies." I want the spell checker to treat the first word as simply "Adhering," rather than "Adher" followed by another word "ing."

Is there some way to get Word to do this? I've looked and asked, but couldn't find a good answer. Right now I'm copying the document, changing all [s and ]s in the document to empty strings, spell-checking the copy, and then making the necessary corrections to the original. I wonder, though, whether there's a simple way of avoiding this. (Switching to some supposedly better word processor doesn't qualify as a simple way, though buying a program that can quickly and easily spell-check Word files does qualify.)

If you have any suggestions, please e-mail me at volokh at law.ucla.edu.

A conversation just reminded me of a word I've always liked -- "Idiolect":

The speech of an individual, considered as a linguistic pattern unique among speakers of his or her language or dialect.

Not a good word to use, mind you, simply because of the minor detail that people won't understand what you mean. And if everyone did understand, then it wouldn't be a good word of the day. But it's still a good word to be amused by . . . .

Two years ago, Ring v. Arizona (in which Justice Scalia concurred) held that the Jury Trial Clause requires juries, not judges, to find the basic facts underlying the aggravating factors that cause the imposition of a death sentence. But what to do about people who had already been sentenced under the old scheme, and whose sentences were now being reviewed via habeas corpus?

The standard doctrine generally says that new constitutional rules aren't retroactive as to habeas cases, unless the new rule is needed to make the judicial process substantially more accurate. So does the Ring jury trial requirement qualify? In Schriro v. Summerlin, which was decided a few weeks ago, Justice Scalia (writing for the five conservatives) held that it doesn't — and here's the core of his argument:

The question here is not, however, whether the Framers believed that juries are more accurate factfinders than judges (perhaps so — they certainly thought juries were more independent). Nor is the question whether juries actually are more accurate factfinders than judges (again, perhaps so). Rather, the question is whether judicial factfinding so "seriously diminishe[s]" accuracy that there is an "'impermissibly large risk'" of punishing conduct the law does not reach. The evidence is simply too equivocal to support that conclusion.

First, for every argument why juries are more accurate factfinders, there is another why they are less accurate. . . . Members of this Court have opined that judicial sentencing may yield more consistent results because of judges' greater experience. Finally, the mixed reception that the right to jury trial has been given in other countries, though irrelevant to the meaning and continued existence of that right under our Constitution, surely makes it implausible that judicial factfinding so "seriously diminishe[s]" accuracy as to produce an "'impermissibly large risk'" of injustice. When so many presumably reasonable minds continue to disagree over whether juries are better factfinders at all, we cannot confidently say that judicial factfinding seriously diminishes accuracy.

This is a sensible argument, and the distinction Justice Scalia draws with regard to foreign practices — not relevant to the meaning of the right, which should be decided with reference to the Framers' views and American traditions, but relevant to empirical questions, such as those that the Court's retroactivity rules raise — is a plausible one. But it's important to note that even Justice Scalia, a firm critic of certain kinds of reliance on foreign practices, finds it proper to draw such distinctions, and to consider foreign practices in some situations.

I think critics of some Justices' use of foreign law — especially the shrillest critics, who denounce such use as a near betrayal of the Justices' oath — should keep these distinctions, and other similar ones, in mind. Thus, for instance, the reference to foreign attitudes in the Lawrence v. Texas majority may be different from the reference to such attitudes in the Grutter race preferences case, and still other uses of foreign practices might be treated differently still.

For more on this, see here, here.

I like Linda Greenhouse a lot, and she's certainly a very experienced and knowledgeable Supreme Court reporter. Still, I noticed this inaccuracy in her end-of-Term piece Saturday:

The second of the chief justice's major opinions came in an important church-state case, Locke v. Davey. The question was whether a state that underwrites college scholarships for secular study must also subsidize students who want to study for the ministry. The argument for the religious subsidies built on Chief Justice Rehnquist's opinion for the court two years ago in a school voucher case from Ohio, holding that it did not violate the Constitution for states to give parents vouchers for religious school tuition as part of a general "school choice" plan.

As a practical matter, the future of the school-choice movement depended on the answer to the question Locke v. Davey brought to the court: if vouchers were permissible, were they also constitutionally required? . . .

If that were really the question in Locke v. Davey, it would be quite remarkable -- I know of no Supreme Court or federal appellate opinion that has ever suggested that vouchers were constitutionally required. Clearly a state is constitutionally entitled to subsidize only public schools. (There are arguments that the state shouldn't be entitled to monpolize publicly funded education this way, but they are clearly losing arguments under today's doctrine, and likely wouldn't draw a single vote on any federal court.)

The question in Locke was different -- given that equal treatment of religious education and secular private education is permissible, is such equal treatment also constitutionally required? Davey's claim wasn't that vouchers were constitutionally required -- it's that once a voucher is given for a wide range of secular private education, religious private education couldn't be treated any worse.

This question is much closer, which is why the Ninth Circuit accepted this claim, as did two dissenters on the Court, in my view rightly. A careful reader might understand that this is the real issue, notwithstanding the way the article framed the question (especially given the paragraph that comes before). But I suspect that an average reader, who is breezing through the piece, would take the question quite literally.

I'm also not wild about framing the issue as an "argument for the religious subsidies." We probably wouldn't call an argument for evenhandedly including black applicants alongside white, Asian, Hispanic, and other applicants in some subsidy program -- with no distinction based on race -- an "argument for subsidies for blacks." We'd call it "an argument for equal treatment for blacks." Still, this is a somewhat closer matter; the framing of the question in the following paragraph is more clearly inapt.

So that's just another reminder of the need for caution in reading even work from experienced, respected writers: Mistakes happen, especially when one is writing with a short deadline, and with a word limit that sometimes yields imprecise shorthand. Even when an expert is writing (whether the expert is a Supreme Court journalist or a law professor), the reader should always be careful and skeptical. Unfortunately, many readers, especially ones who are quickly skimming the article, aren't likely to invest the effort into such skepticism -- and a writer's error can become an error in the thinking of hundreds of thousands.

Yup, that's what Clayton Cramer is noticing. Two to three percent of the population, and it turns out that they dominate the legal system. It's not just that a lot of heterosexuals happen to agree (rightly or wrongly) with the gay rights movement, so that heterosexuals dominate the legal system but happen to take many pro-gay-rights views. No, it's homosexual dominance.

Cramer is a very smart guy, who has done a lot of work that I admire for its accuracy and thoughtfulness (chiefly on guns). I link to him on many occasions, because he often makes good points. (UPDATE: For instance, the post I criticize also correctly condemns the Swedish legal system's punishment of antigay speech.) But if I am to condemn spurious claims of Jewish control of this or that institution — for instance, fantasies of Jewish or Israeli control of U.S. foreign policy, extrapolated from the fact that non-Jewish U.S. leaders have been persuaded that they should support Israel — I can't let this sort of stuff pass.

Adam Charnes, a very smart lawyer who has briefed this issue, reports that he "did a lot of research on the question and was unable to find any commentator who read article 5 of [the Third Geneva Convention] as requiring a hearing to determine whether the detainee was a belligerent. Nor did Hamdi's amici so claim in their briefs (though they often implied it)."

Readers Matthew Bower and Scipio (Scipio Mississippiensis, not Africanus) report that the Mississippi judge who published that homosexuals-should-be-locked-up rant was the equivalent of a Justice of the Peace; people who hold this post in Mississippi have relatively modest powers compared to normal judges. They also needn't be lawyers, or even college graduates; Scipio mentions that he has a vague recollection that Judge Wilkerson is indeed not a lawyer.

I suppose this makes me feel a little better — at least this fellow can't do that much damage, and his comments do not not necessarily reflect on the quality of the Mississippi Bar's opinions or articulateness.

Some people have said that the Supreme Court's Guantanamo detainee decision might have been influenced by the Administration's refusal to give the detainees the procedures to which they're entitled by the Geneva Conventions. The Geneva Conventions are a treaty that we signed, the argument goes, the government is bound to give this procedure, so we should interpret our habeas corpus statute as mandating at least something like what we've promised to provide in any case.

I'm not sure whether the Justices might indeed have been influenced by what they may see as Administration overreaching here. But, as best I can tell, the Geneva Conventions do not require the U.S. to give hearings to detainees who claim that they're actually civilians and should therefore be freed. (Recall that they're "challenging the legality of their detention at the Base," alleging that they have never "been . . . combatant[s] against the United States or ha[ve] ever engaged in any terrorist acts.")

1. Let's start with the Third Geneva Convention, which deals with prisoners of war. First, the Administration is quite right that al Qaeda irregulars don't qualify for protection (see article 4).

Second, while there's obviously debate about whether the detainees are al Qaeda irregulars, as opposed to members of the regular Afghan army or (as these petitioners say) not soldiers at all, I can find nothing in the Convention that gives them a legal right to a hearing on those questions. (Naturally it is to be expected that the U.S. government will seriously consider claims that they're detaining people by mistake, and the U.S. government's position is that it has considered these claims and rejected them -- the question is whether these people have a legal right under the Conventions to a formal hearing on the matter.)

Article 5 does provide for "competent tribunal[s]" -- which need not be civilian courts, but could just be relatively informal military tribunals -- to determine certain matters about the detainees. But here's what the Article actually says:

The present Convention shall apply to the persons referred to in Article 4 from the time they fall into the power of the enemy and until their final release and repatriation.

Should any doubt arise as to whether persons, having committed a belligerent act and having fallen into the hands of the enemy, belong to any of the categories enumerated in Article 4, such persons shall enjoy the protection of the present Convention until such time as their status has been determined by a competent tribunal.

Article 4 in turn defines who is a prisoner of war, and thus entitled to the Convention's protection, as opposed to an unlawful combatant, who is not entitled to its protection. The basic distinction is between regular and generally uniformed members of the armed forces, and irregular and non-uniformed fighters.

So the tribunal is not required. Rather, if a tribunal is absent, and there's "doubt" about whether the people are regular soldiers (who are entitled to protection of the Convention) and irregular illegal combatants (who are not entitled to protection of the Convention), the government simply has an obligation to treat the people as prisoners of war (who after all are prisoners, and may certainly be detained for the duration of the conflict) and give them the Convention's protections. The terms of article 5 are quite clear on that. And under those terms, the government has no treaty obligation to providing hearings as to whether the detainees were soldiers or civilians. (The U.S. has indeed used tribunals in the past to decide whether the detainees ought to be released as civilians, but not, as best I can tell, as a matter of treaty obligation.)

The Administration has been faulted for not convening such article 5 tribunals. The administration's position is that there really is no "doubt" as to the status of these people, but let's say that the administration is mistaken. Its only obligation under the Convention would then be to treat the people as POWs -- to treat them humanely (as the Administration has said that it would), and not try them simply for having levied war against us (that's where being a lawful combatant as opposed an unlawful one makes a difference).

Nothing that I could find in the Convention mandates Parties to convene tribunals to decide whether detainees are entitled to go free altogether, or to free detainees in the absence of such tribunals. That's simply not something for which the Convention provides; and the distinction makes sense: Governments are understandably much more willing to sign a treaty that obligates them to err on the side of treating detainees humanely, and not punishing them beyond just detaining them (which is what the Third Convention mandates), rather than a treaty that obligates them to err on the side of releasing detainees who the government thinks (rightly or wrongly) are indeed enemy combatants.

And recall that the detainees' challenge is not merely that they were being denied the benefits of POW status under the Convention; the remedy they seek is not an assurance of such benefits. Rather, it's an assurance of a hearing on whether they are civilians and entitled to be released, a hearing that the Convention does not mandate.

2. What about the Fourth Geneva Convention, which deals with civilians?

Well, article 4 of that convention specifically exempts from its protection "Nationals of a neutral State who find themselves in the territory of a belligerent State . . . while the State of which they are nationals has normal displomatic representation in the State in whose hands they are." The Rasul v. Bush petitioners are Australians and Kuwaitis, so they're covered by this exemption -- the Fourth Convention doesn't apply.

The Fourth Convention would apply to Afghan nationals. But article 5 of that convention specifically says:

Where, in the territory of a Party to the conflict, the latter is satisfied that an individual protected person is definitely suspected of or engaged in activities hostile to the security of the State, such individual person shall not be entitled to claim such rights and privileges under the present Convention as would, if exercised in the favour of such individual person, be prejudicial to the security of such State.

Where in occupied territory an individual protected person is detained as a spy or saboteur, or as a person under definite suspicion of activity hostile to the security of the Occupying Power, such person shall, in those cases where absolute military security so requires, be regarded as having forfeited rights of communication under the present Convention.

In each case, such persons shall nevertheless be treated with humanity, and in case of trial, shall not be deprived of the rights of fair and regular trial prescribed by the present Convention. They shall also be granted the full rights and privileges of a protected person under the present Convention at the earliest date consistent with the security of the State or Occupying Power, as the case may be.

The terms of these provisions leave a great deal of discretion to the detaining power -- the question is whether the power "is satisfied" that the person is "definitely suspected of . . . activities hostile to the security" of the power, not whether the power is correct in so suspecting. Unlike with the Third Convention's article 5, the Fourth Convention does not provide for tribunals to make this determination. So even as to the Afghan Guantanamo detainees, who were not plaintiffs in Rasul v. Bush, the Fourth Convention requires no procedure.

What I say above is somewhat tentative: I'm not an expert on the Conventions, and might be mistaken. If someone knows of specific provisions in the Conventions that contradict my view, I'd love to hear this, and may revise my judgment accordingly.

Also, it may be that the Court was indeed influenced by what it saw as the government's failure to do what article 5 of the Third Convention required -- even though such procedures go only to the conditions of confinement and possibility of future trial, not to the release from detention that the petitioners sought -- and decided that the Administration needed reining in. And none of the above expresses an opinion on what the Administration should be doing, as a matter of justice, prudence, or even U.S. habeas or constitutional law, with the Guantanamo detainees. Finally, it may well be that some other countries or organization take a broader interpretation of the Conventions than the text of the Conventions authorizes.

But as best I can tell, it is not correct to say that the Administration is violating the text of the Geneva Conventions (and it is the text that the U.S. has ratified) by failing to give the detainees a hearing on whether they are indeed civilians who should be released. The text of the Conventions does not require any such hearings.

Alex Sundstrom suggests this answer to the statutory rape problem (again, note that I do not necessarily endorse any of the readers' views that I post here):

I think the most justifiable statutory rape law would apply only to men sleeping with teenage girls (retaining the standard 4-year age gap). My reasons are utilitarian ones, based on a market theory of dating.

(1) Statutory rape laws protect the future happiness of girls. Teenage girls tend to go after lower status males than they will be able to get later in life. They do so because (1) it's socially unacceptable to date teenage girls, so more responsible men/better mates will avoid doing so, (2) even a 30 year old alcoholic might seem more desirable to a teenage girl than the pimply and immature teenage boys she encounters at school, and (3) because teenage girls have a low supply of potential suitors with money, and because women like men who spend money on them in general, it's cheaper to impress a teenage girl — a 15 year old is a much cheaper date for a 30 year old alcoholic than a 25 year old woman would be.

This is bad for girls because the likely consequences — extensive sexual contact and potential offspring and/or longer-term partnership with undesirable mates — will make them unhappy later on, when they realize they can do better. If you restrict a girl's options to sex with age peers, she might make dating decisions she wouldn't make later in life (when all the dumpy social misfits have become attorneys, and can buy her things), but her dating choices will more closely track her future choices than without a statutory rape law.

(2) Of course, the law might affect what's socially acceptable. If this is the case, then it is bad for society to change the statutory rape laws and encourage men to sleep with teenagers, reducing the problem outlined in (1), they will be less likely to start stable families, and grown women will suffer.

This effect seems plausible to me — the age of consent in Ontario is 14, and my girlfriend's parents, who live there, see nothing remarkable about a 22 year old dating a 15 year old. [That's a hypothetical 22-year-old; Sundstrom isn't dating a 15-year-old himself. -EV] The talismanic effect that turning 18 currently has also seems pretty artificial: every red-blooded male knows that men are very much attracted to 16 year old girls, but just pretend not to be until those girls turn 18. A change in the statutory rape laws might affect this attitude (or it might not, considering the fact that sleeping with 17 year olds is already legal in many states).

If repealing statutory rape laws causes an increase in men sleeping with and dating teenage girls, they will increasingly choose to do so. Setting aside whether teenage girls are better looking than older women, sixteen year olds are at the very least much less prone to obesity than older women. So some men who place a value on thinness will choose to date a younger, thinner girl than they otherwise would have before it was less socially acceptable to do so.

These encounters are probably going to be of the casual-sex variety, because (1) intellect, maturity and potential for long-term companionship are not what grown men look for in teenage girls, (2) a shift in social mores would probably occur first among people who are already having casual sex with older women before it would occur in a marriage context (in no small part because of (1)). Because an increase in social acceptability of sleeping with teenagers would increase the supply of attractive girls more than it would increase the supply of attractive, marriageable girls, more men will be able to engage in commitment-free sex with attractive partners, and more men will thus choose to do so. They will be doing so instead of getting married and raising families.

None of these concerns apply to a situation where teenage boys sleep with adult women.

(I take it his point, by the way, isn't just that sex with teenage girls affects their future happiness in some small way — obviously, not all things that make teenagers unhappy should be criminal — but rather that it potentially has very large effects.)

Note again, please, that I probably won't be posting responses to people's suggestions; but if you have your own suggested framework, that you can defend in some detail but not at very great length, and that isn't too similar to what's been posted yet, please do pass it along.

Last week, Slate posted a response to some criticisms of its Kerryisms column, including to my criticisms. Kerryisms, the author says, aren't really attempts to translate Kerry's words into "plain English," though they were originally billed that way.

OK, that's fine -- but what then are they? The response talks about "get[ting] the joke," but what's the joke? The Kerryism columns continue to say that they focus on Kerry's "caveats," "curlicues," and "embellishments." The terms "curlicues" and "embellishments" seem to suggest that the material the columns point to is unnecessary (redundant or otherwise surplus). But often, it's not; it's needed to make Kerry's point politically effective or even simply accurate.

The term "caveats" seems to suggest that the removed material may be necessary, but somehow limits or takes away from Kerry's main point -- but what's wrong, funny, or even noteworthy about Kerry's acknowledging that his answers are more complex than a simple "yes" or "no"?

Just to further illustrate this, let's consider today's Kerryism. Kerry said:

The strong spending caps in my plan will ensure that spending doesn't grow faster than inflation. And if Congress fails to keep spending in line, the budget caps will mean across-the-board cuts in every area except security and education and mandatory programs like health care, Social Security, and Medicare. So when I say "a cap on spending," I mean it.

Here's the Kerryisms version:

The strong spending caps in my plan will ensure that spending doesn't grow. And if Congress fails to keep spending in line, the budget caps will mean across-the-board cuts in every area. So when I say "a cap on spending," I mean it.

Where's the joke? Kerry, to his credit, candidly said that he's talking about spending in real dollars, not nominal dollars ("faster than inflation"). If that's his plan (and it's a plan that's quite consistent with "a cap on spending"), he should make it clear. It seems to me that such candor and precision is to be praised, not condemned; and while it might make his prose less punchy, it may actually be politically wise, as well as more honest: It keeps his adversaries from faulting him for inaccuracy.

He also didn't say that he'd institute across-the-board cuts; he said he'd institute such cuts in all programs except some that he seems to think are too important to cut. Again, if that's his view, it's good that he reveals it -- and it may be politically quite important for him to reveal it, since otherwise people might fault him for threatening to cut Social Security, national defense, and the like. How is it clearer, in any other way better, or even funny to edit that out?

Maybe the claim is that with these "caveats," Kerry's last sentence ("So when I say 'cap on spending,' I mean it") is no longer accurate. But that's not right, either. First, as I mentioned above, even if "cap on spending" is treated as "stabilizing spending," it's quite fair -- even economically more sensible -- to focus on spending in real dollars, not nominal dollars, and still call stabilization a "cap." Second, I take it that Kerry's point in the next sense is that if "Congress fails to keep spending in line," his "budget caps" would mean huge cuts in what he sees as the optional areas, but not in the really important areas. It may or may not be good budget economics, but I don't see much by way of "curlicues," "embellishments," or even "caveats," unless by "caveat" you mean any nuance or retreat from an absolutist position.

So just what's the point here? Here's the columnist's response to my specific past criticisms, which I take it would also apply to the criticism here:

Another blogger, Eugene Volokh, gets the joke and doesn't like it. "Another possibility is that 'Kerryisms' has evolved into an attempt to show simply that Kerry uses a lot of qualifiers, instead of giving very simple answers," Volokh writes. "But often, as in this case, the right answer isn't simple. It's actually not terribly complex, but it's not one-word simple. Is it really good to fault a politician for refusing to oversimplify?"

That's a good and fair question. I prefer to let each reader decide for herself, case by case. I should have explained the general idea more clearly. Now I have. The rest of the judgments are up to you.

Can that possibly make sense? Surely the author must be trying to say something with his column. It can't just be: "Here's a Kerry statement, and a version without qualifiers. Decide for yourself if the qualifiers were necessary / useful / important." (This would be like the Bushisms column giving a bunch of Bush statements, some wrong and funny but some perfectly accurate or at worst slightly off, rather than focusing just on material that's worth criticizing or mocking. Oh, wait, that is what the Bushisms column does . . . .)

Presumably the columnist must have chosen this particular quote not because the quote simply reflects Kerry's praiseworthy refusal to oversimplify. The columnist must have chosen it because he thinks something about these particular qualifiers should lead some readers to think there's something wrong with what Kerry said. Well, what is that?

Interesting Cleveland Plain-Dealer story:

Lawyer Dean Boland has testified as a defense expert in three child-pornography cases in Northeast Ohio . . . . Charges were thrown out in two of the . . . cases, which sent waves of alarm through the law-enforcement community. . . . Boland, 37, of Lakewood, is one of a handful of criminal-defense experts in the country with the knowledge to testify about digital-imaging technology and the ways pornographers are using it to enhance and distribute their wares via the Internet. . . .

Boland has teamed with criminal defense lawyers who are exploiting a provision of [child pornography] law that says to obtain a conviction, a prosecutor must prove that a digital portrait of suspected child pornography is, in fact, a picture of a child. To meet that requirement, the image must be authenticated as a child and not an adult digitally enhanced to look like a child -- an extremely difficult level of proof for police and prosecutors, Boland says.

Without the evidence to refute Boland's testimony and prove authenticity, judges threw out child-pornography charges in Summit and Portage counties in March. A Columbiana County judge has reserved his ruling until trial. . . .

"The majority of child pornography downloaded from the Internet, as sick as the images are, really can't be determined to be actual children," Boland said. "It's very easy to fake these images, and prosecutors need to be required to authenticate their evidence." . . .

Recall that in Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, the government argued that non-obscene virtual child pornography -- i.e., material that looks like children having sex or posing lewdly, but that actually didn't involve the use of real children -- should be unprotected in part because otherwise it would be hard to enforce bans on actual child pornography. The Court rejected that argument:

Finally, the Government says that the possibility of producing images by using computer imaging makes it very difficult for it to prosecute those who produce pornography by using real children. Experts, we are told, may have difficulty in saying whether the pictures were made by using real children or by using computer imaging. The necessary solution, the argument runs, is to prohibit both kinds of images. The argument, in essence, is that protected speech may be banned as a means to ban unprotected speech. This analysis turns the First Amendment upside down.

The Government may not suppress lawful speech as the means to suppress unlawful speech. Protected speech does not become unprotected merely because it resembles the latter.

The Constitution requires the reverse. "[T]he possible harm to society in permitting some unprotected speech to go unpunished is outweighed by the possibility that protected speech of others may be muted . . . ." The overbreadth doctrine prohibits the Government from banning unprotected speech if a substantial amount of protected speech is prohibited or chilled in the process.

Justice Thomas concurred in the judgment (though his vote wasn't needed to form the Court's majority); he reasoned:

In my view, the Government's most persuasive asserted interest in support of the [CPPA] is the prosecution rationale -- that persons who possess and disseminate pornographic images of real children may escape conviction by claiming that the images are computer generated, thereby raising a reasonable doubt as to their guilt. At this time, however, the Government asserts only that defendants raise such defenses, not that they have done so successfully. In fact, the Government points to no case in which a defendant has been acquitted based on a "computer generated images" defense.

While this speculative interest cannot support the broad reach of the CPPA, technology may evolve to the point where it becomes impossible to enforce actual child pornography laws because the Government cannot prove that certain pornographic images are of real children. In the event this occurs, the Government should not be foreclosed from enacting a regulation of virtual child pornography that contains an appropriate affirmative defense or some other narrowly drawn restriction.

The Court suggests that the Government's interest in enforcing prohibitions against real child pornography cannot justify prohibitions on virtual child pornography, because "[t]his analysis turns the First Amendment upside down. The Government may not suppress lawful speech as the means to suppress unlawful speech."

But if technological advances thwart prosecution of "unlawful speech," the Government may well have a compelling interest in barring or otherwise regulating some narrow category of "lawful speech" in order to enforce effectively laws against pornography made through the abuse of real children. . . .

Will cases such as the ones described in the Plain Dealer article -- assuming that they indeed reflect serious obstacles to prosecution of real child pornography, and not just easily remediable errors on the government's part -- persuade Justice Thomas, and perhaps even one of the Justices in the Free Speech Coalition majority (say, J