Bush Sets Libby Free:
Wow, that was fast: President Bush set Scooter Libby free today, just hours after the D.C. Circuit's ruling.
Bush "commuted" Libby's sentence, which means that Libby doesn't have to go to jail but he still has to be on probation for two years and still must pay the fine imposed by the District Court. In case you're wondering, yup, this is perfectly legal. The President's powers here are absolute. And whether Scooter Libby's original sentence was exactly correct is an interesting question I can't answer; while I have a rough sense it was in the right ballpark, I didn't follow the case closely enough to have any particular views of that.
Nonetheless, I find Bush's action very troubling because of the obvious special treatment Libby received. President Bush has set a remarkable record in the last 6+ years for essentially never exercising his powers to commute sentences or pardon those in jail. His handful of pardons have been almost all symbolic gestures involving cases decades old, sometimes for people who are long dead. Come to think of it, I don't know if Bush has ever actually used his powers to get one single person out of jail even one day early. If there are such cases, they are certainly few and far between. So Libby's treatment was very special indeed.
UPDATE: I have amended the post to take out my effort to try to characterize commuting the sentence; some readers objected, and the point wasn't relevant to the post.
Bush "commuted" Libby's sentence, which means that Libby doesn't have to go to jail but he still has to be on probation for two years and still must pay the fine imposed by the District Court. In case you're wondering, yup, this is perfectly legal. The President's powers here are absolute. And whether Scooter Libby's original sentence was exactly correct is an interesting question I can't answer; while I have a rough sense it was in the right ballpark, I didn't follow the case closely enough to have any particular views of that.
Nonetheless, I find Bush's action very troubling because of the obvious special treatment Libby received. President Bush has set a remarkable record in the last 6+ years for essentially never exercising his powers to commute sentences or pardon those in jail. His handful of pardons have been almost all symbolic gestures involving cases decades old, sometimes for people who are long dead. Come to think of it, I don't know if Bush has ever actually used his powers to get one single person out of jail even one day early. If there are such cases, they are certainly few and far between. So Libby's treatment was very special indeed.
UPDATE: I have amended the post to take out my effort to try to characterize commuting the sentence; some readers objected, and the point wasn't relevant to the post.
Related Posts (on one page):
- Scooter Libby Commutation:
- Bush Sets Libby Free:
There are a lot of scoundrels in the world. Libby isn't one of them.
That couldn't be proved in court, of course. It was a giant fishing expedition. Nor could Fitzgerald prove the underlying charges he promised in 2005 when he first went after Libby.
Well of course it couldn't be proved in court, because that was one of the elements of Fitzgerald's investigation that Libby obstructed by lying about the source of his information on Plame. What a remarkable "insight" by such a studiously neutral publication as the Investor's Business Daily.
Justice was served and Bush has now thwarted it. Very typical of Bush's regime since attaining office.
I assume you favor pardons/commutations for all persons in federal prison who are not "scoundrels"? Can you elaborate more on your "scoundrel" test so we can tell which federal prison inmates should be freed and which ones should remain in jail?
"Troubling" may be a bit of an understatement.
Bush is up by more, of course, that's just the score for today.
That's an interesting point about Libby's law license; if we know that Libby will lose it, and we know that he planned to practice law again, then that is certainly an important difference. Can you tell us more about the likely effect of the conviction on his license? I don't know how the bar of Libby's jurisdiction is likely to deal with that.
It would be interesting if all this caused some people to question the excessive punitiveness of our criminal law. Unfortunately, the all-too-explicit argument has been that dear ole' Scooter is not one of THOSE criminals (you know, the ones we like seeing punished). See, for example, here:
Wash Post Editorial
"To pardon Scooter Libby would not be consistent with the imperative that the mechanisms of law be able to demand, and receive, the truth. But to leave the sentence undisturbed would be an injustice to a person who, though guilty in this instance, is not what most people would, or should, think of as a criminal."
As I understand it, Libby was already being required to serve his sentence before his appeals had been exhausted. In which case it doesn’t seem like much of a deviation from a guideline which seems drafted for a situation in which someone isn’t yet serving a prison sentence because they’re still appealing their case.
Charlatan.
Tongue firmly planted in cheek, I assume?
Also, how pissed must Steven Griles be right now?
Please!. This whole mean-spirited affair was partisan warfare by another means.
As usual, it paid for me to do a little research rather than rely on the press. Here is the actual guideline:
Commutation Guideline
"No petition for commutation of sentence, including remission of fine, should be filed if other forms of judicial or administrative relief are available, except upon a showing of exceptional circumstances."
Libby could appeal, so that would rule out his petition absent "exceptional circumstances". Which, again, appear to be that he committed his crime on behalf of the Administration.
I haven’t followed this story that closely but my understanding is that Libby is still appealing his case. It may be that he still hopes to win on appeal and get the conviction overturned in which case a pardon wouldn’t be necessary.
Good point. Clearly a Republican-appointed prosecutor, Republican-appointed trial judge, and Republican-appointed appellate judges were engaged in partisan warfare against Libby.
I'm curious: How could a criminal prosecution of a Bush Administration official by a Bush-appointed prosecutor and a sentence imposed by a Bush-appointed judge be "partisan warfare"?
Orin, Libby was licensed to practice in Washington DC and Pennsylvania per Wikipedia:
The Pennsylvania disciplinary board lists him as “inactive” but I wasn’t able to find any record of disciplinary action against him on their site.
Now, if you disagree for other reasons, then that is certainly understandable. But to say it was illegal or imply it was it simply wrong. Look, let's not kid anybody. Most people want Libby in jail for political reasons. There was no crime committed vis a vis Valerie Plame. (I'm sure I'll see them all over TV tonight and tomorrow, with a few plugs for their book thrown in). Patrick Fitzgerald basically charged him for not having his story line up perfectly with Tim Russert's. And, he got a friendly, anti-Republican D.C. jury that had Libby in jail before opening arguments. In my view, the President's power to pardon offenses against the United States is to stop political imprisonments like this.
In sum, you think it is bad policy? I'll hear your argument and potentially agree to an extent. Against the law, illegal, or anything like that? Don't waste my time.
And it is not like this is the first time a judge has given a longer sentence than the probation office recommended.
Orin's point is exactly right: President Bush made a unique exception for Libby, and for about the worse possible reason (that last bit is my addition).
Excellent point. Not only did a Republican-appointed prosecutor seek Libby's imprisonment for political reasons, but a Republican-appointed trial judge sentenced him to prison for political reasons, and the Republican-appointed judges on the appellate panel denied him bail for political reasons.
Burdick v. U.S. (pardon) and Biddle v. Perovich (commutation) are the two cases.
In response to your question, I'll adopt Thorley Winston's remarks. My sense (as a member of the DC bar) is that a felony conviction involving perjury would be more or less fatal to a DC law license, but I didn;t know that the wheels of justice had already begun turning.
Um, no one has actually suggested that this was illegal (as far as I can tell).
And it is not like this is the first time a judge has given a longer sentence than the probation office recommended.
For sure. It's a pathetic argument for reducing the jail term by the extraordinary means of commutation. But at leasts it's an argument. Bush gives literally no argument for eliminating the jail term (as opposed to reducing it).
The Right will take its no-underling-crime talking point to its collective grave. But that talking point is bull. An NOC investigating WMD was outed and her network destroyed, and that was done against a backdrop of Bush-Cheney's using WMD as justifications for war, more war, and the Unitary Executive. It was also done in the context of Bush-Cheney undermining every non-proliferation agreement we had.
Because the CIA never reveals such things, we'll never know just how much damage outing Plame did to our national security. This is not only because Plame's network was ruined, but also because outing an NOC sent a very strong signal to other NOCs: find the intel Bush-Cheney want you to find, or else you, too, can be outed.
Hmm. I've run red lights when transporting someone bleeding from a seriously cut wrist to the hospital. Once I recall a helicopter landing right in the middle of the road, snarling traffic hideously, to transport a child involved in a sledding accident down a mountain.
It would appear that this troubling business of people doing unusual things in response to unusual circumstances is shockingly widespread.
True. And as I and others have pointed out, in a sense this is the best possible result for Libby at this time because he is free but still able to pursue his appeal.
A: Fitz couldn't prove it cuz Scooter was lying about it.
B: Lying about what?
A: Lying about what Fitz couldn't prove!
B: ummmm??!!
Wow. The complete absence of smoke is proof of a well-concealed fire.
Steve, the word is tautology. Go look it up. Yeah, that really big book on your shelf. It's called a dictionary.
But it fits with the War in Iraq.
Right, even the guidelines make an exception for extraordinary circumstances. And in this case the extraordinary circumstances were that (drum roll please) ... Libby committed his crimes on behalf of the Administration.
Again, "troubling" is an understatement.
Fair-minded Americans look at the case and see there wasn't one to be made.
The polls I've seen have opposition to a pardon at around 67%-72% and about 19% favoring a pardon. So, according to IBD, only about 19% of Americans are "fair minded"? Why does IBD hate America?
Good point and one that should be remembered the next time someone tries to refer to the Clinton-appointed independent counsel’s investigation that lead to his impeachment as a “partisan witch hunt” or “partisan warfare.”
;)
Lying about the circumstances under which he learned of Plame's CIA employment.
It's all right there, in the court filings, if you care to look it up.
In the [Constitutional] convention George Mason argued that the President might use his pardoning power to "pardon crimes which were advised by himself" or, before indictment or conviction, "to stop inquiry and prevent detection." James Madison responded:
[I]f the President be connected, in any suspicious manner, with any person, and there be grounds [to] believe he will shelter him, the House of Representatives can impeach him; they can remove him if found guilty...
Madison went on to [say] contrary to his position in the Philadelphia convention, that the President could be suspended when suspected, and his powers would devolve on the Vice President, who could likewise be suspended until impeached and convicted, if he were also suspected...
Oh, Madison. So tough-minded, yet so naive. Who in 1789 could've foreseen how eager a future Congress would be to defer to an executive named George?
You're not correct. The purpose of the guidelines for a commutation is not to keep people who are out of jail from having their sentence commuting, otherwise the dual requirements of the guidelines would have been redundant. There is an actual benefit in allowing the judicial branch to rectify wrongs, and a parrallel acceptance of some minimal allowance of "suffering" as part of that comity.
John O as a member of the DC Bar, perhaps you could answer a question. The Wikipedia article I linked to said that the DC Bar “revised its "Professional Rules of Conduct" on 1 February 2007.” I’m just curious would you have any knowledge as to what these revisions were and what if any effect they may have had on the Libby case that was already in process.
""He commuted Libby's sentence, guaranteeing not only that Libby wouldn't talk, but retaining Libby's right to invoke the Fifth."
What's the word -- "heh"?
Actually, while Robert Fiske was appointed by AG Reno, Kenneth Starr was appointed by the Special Division, a three-judge panel led by Judge Sentelle.
In fact, some are speculating the prosecutor and judge took an unreasonable line i.e. excessive sentence and refusal to let Libby stay free during appeal, in order to provoke a pardon. The idea being, a win on appeal would make them look bad.
It seems many feel a win is likely and Waltons extraordinary response to what amounts to a who's who of juriprudence recomending he stay free during apepeal, would suggest the idea that Walton and Fitzgerald will be overturned is likely.
Oops, I stand corrected.
Great point. And the three-judge appellate panel, including two Republican appointees, unanimously denied bail because clearly they too believed Libby was likely to win on appeal.
Remember kids: someone appointed by someone of a particular party, bent, or even passing fancy must, by definition, also share those attributes, and in perpetuum no less.
On point, I fail to see the big deal. Bush apparantly was of the opinion (shared by quite a few people, but they don't count because they're all partisan hacks or something) that Libby was not convicted based upon the merits (the idea that not remembering a conversation exactly as someone else did, someone who was later shown to be mistaken about more than a few things, no less, is rather chilling, moreso than anything Bush has done here) but rather upon the politics. If the President's Article II powers to commute or vacate sentances doesn't hold in just this sort of situation, I cannot for the life of me imagine where it would.
Sentelle, of course, is a Republican. By the way, he was also one of the three appellate judges who voted that Libby should not stay free on appeal.
Doesn't a presidential pardon for anyone imply special treatment?
Let A = total convictions in US history.
Let B = total presidential pardons.
I suggest B/A = a very, very small number.
Whether it's Marc Rich or Stuart Libby, it's always special treatment.
You might want to read Bush's statement before leaping to conclusions:
Bush Statement
By the way, it is an interesting issue where the BEST talking point is actually "Clinton did it!"
I believe Orin's point, as confirmed by the guidelines, is that Bush made a special exception to his otherwise strict commutation rules for Libby.
Fitzgerald continued a politically motivated investigation long after he knew the law in question had not been violated and long after he knew the person who had done the deed that was potentially unlawful was not Mr. Libby. One must ask why?
Fitzgerald's behavior after he new the essential facts smacks of police state behavior. What was he looking for after he knew no one had violated the law for which he was chartered to investigate? How many questions asked by how many investigators were necessary to get Mr. Libby to contradic himself or someone else?
I don't care who appointed him or how deep his Republican credentials were/are. His investigation was almost perfectly analogous to that of Nifong's
Yes, Clinton did gave a poorly concieved pardon during his presidency to Rich, but doesn't make right for Bush to give a pardon to Libby.
In a world where we cannot read each other's thoughts, it is often difficult to truly say why anyone did anything :)
The reality is that it is just as likely that these judges did not want to spank Walton, and expected that the President would not allow Libby to go to jail. Therefor they risked little in disallowing him to stay out pending appeal. But had they allowed him out, THEY would take the brunt of criticism. It would be foolish to think that the majority of the pundits who decry Bush for the commutation would suddenly have been happy and silent had the three judges let Libby free on appeal (mind you, some would; but I do not believe the majority would) :)
As per your suggestion that the fact that someone is appointed by members of one party means that person will always do what either the party or the appointer wants, I point to "Fired Assistant US Attorney" mess. I'm sure if these individuals had followed exactly what Bush (or whoever was pulling the strings) wanted, they might still be in their positions :)
To go one more, I bring up many justices who are either conservative or liberal upon appointment, but over the years drift the other way. There are certain individuals on the Supreme Court who would never have been nominated if the nominater knew what they would have done a decade later :)
It is only because Libby worked for the Bush Administration (i.e., OVP) that he was pursued by a specially and specifically assigned prosecutor. It is only because of Bush's publicly announced demand that Libby had to answer any questions put to him by that prosecutor. And it is only under the microscope of such an investigation that such inconsistencies in memory and testimony would be prosecuted, with the inconsistencies of journalists and other Administration outsiders overlooked.
Thus it should not surprise us that Bush would see that commuting Libby's sentence is proper, and indeed morally obligatory for Bush.
Of course, Bush's opponents do not know, and cannot be expected to believe, that Bush's motives are pure. For those who believe that Cheney, Libby and Bush were engaging in a sinister outing conspiracy, this commutation is the latest chapter in their nefarious project.
Without knowing what is in Bush's conscience, we cannot know if his act today was morally upright -- required even -- or condemnable, and it is absurd for us to pretend otherwise, on either side, when we are all grasping at shadows.
I asked this question on the other thread but I’ll ask it here as well – does anyone know what the substance was of Libby’s supposed perjury? What actual factual statements was he convicted of lying under oath about?
Okay, I'll bite.
"Politically motivated" how?
Whose politics motivated it?
Explain, with actual references to the initiation of the investigation, how it was motivated by politics.
I'm all ears.
But there is clearly a very real possibility that Bill Clinton, unchastened, whether titular president or no, will soon be roaming the halls of the White House looking for opportunities.
Stellar point. Fitzgerald, the trial judges, the appellate judges--a pack of Nifongs the lot of them.
Hrm,
Spectacular point. Clearly the most likely possibility is that every single judge in question ignored their legal duties and left it to the President to take the heat instead. The most likely possibility is also that every single Republican appointee in question had drifted into deep liberal territory.
DWPittelli,
You do realize you are saying that it is reasonable to believe that President Bush lied in his commutation statement? I'm just checking.
And as I suggested elsewhere, the best thing for you to do is read the indictment.
1. We know that Valerie Plame was working undercover as a CIA agent.
2. Her cover was blown by someone in the White House, possibly for political reasons, but certainly for no legitmate reasons.
3. Blowing her cover puts her and all her contacts at risk, and certainly undermines our nation's national security.
4. Bush said repeatedly that if anyone in his administration leaked her name, he or she wouldn't be working for him anymore.
5. No one in the Bush Administration has taken any responsibility for this, and no one was fired.
And yet, we see Republicans and conservatives repeatedly defending all this behavior. They talk about Libby being pursued for political reasons, without any foundation, and yet when a CIA agent's cover is blown for politcal reasons, they remain silent. It's okay for US to do it, but not YOU.
This is what conservativism has come to mean nowadays. I hope you are all proud of yourselves....
We're an empire now; we can, and must, invade wherever we have *faith* that the WMD's will be found.
Please specify what you think a lie, and why.
Randy R,
Your claims are contentious half-truths. But even if we accept them, surely you must recognize that to the extent that Plame was undercover at the time, she was also outed by her own husband's reckless signed newspaper editorial?
Is your argument that Joseph Wilson should have been aware that the federal government would respond to his criticism by an ad hominem attack on his credibility, even though such attack was of minor relevance (at best), utterly destructive to our Iranian WMD intelligence outfit, and illegal?
I don't say President Bush lied. I said if he believed what you say he believed, then he lied in his commutation statement.
How?
Where, in his editorial, did he say "My wife, the CIA agent"?
Where, in either of their bios in Who's Who, is Valerie Plame identified as a CIA agent?
I think it is slowly dawning on Libby's defenders that President Bush's commutation statement does not support their standard talking points. So, it will be interesting to see how they react as that fact sinks in.
I have read the commutation statement. And what would those (conditional) lies have been?
CaseyL
She could never again work undercover in WMDs while known to be the wife of an ambassador researching WMDs.
Counterfactual,
1. "Now we need a coda pointing out that as long as the rich are friends of the President, what the law forbids doesn't really matter at all."
You're a little late - the Marc Rich thread closed a couple years ago.
2. Re: Guidelines; lesssee, last time I looked, guidelines are just that, guides, not laws. They are meant to be ignored when they don't fit the situation. And if the President who defines the guidelines chooses ignore them because they didn't fit the situation, then what's the problem?
A sitution such as
- A special prosecutor, who very well may have been illegitimately appointed,
- knows early on who released the info at question (a person is certainly not a friend of the administration), but spends another couple years trying to pin something on the Vice President,
- never establishes that the crime for which he is appointed to prosecute ever happened -- (note that Valerie Plame was never shown to be a covert agent under the law; indeed, this deterimination seemed to be actively avoided by Fitz and the CIA).
- And a judge, allegedly republican or not, who screwed up by, among other things, permitting a witness who could undercut the prosecution's case to be excluded,
- And numerous notable scholars of law file amicus briefs noting the problems with the case...
Yes, the President might conclude there is a "special" circumstance here, and find it "troubling," and exercise the least amount of power to correct the injustice to Libby, but allow the judicial process to proceed.
And Steve: Fitzgerald couldn't show the VP or Libby exposed anyone, not because so-called obstruction by Libby, but because Armitage is the one who blabbed to the media. VP and Libby had nothing to do with that. They were legitimately reponding to her husbands lies in the newpaper editorial. And note that Valerie's covert status could not be exposed, because it apparently did not exist.
3. In evaluating the justice of the situation, it would be worthwhile to note that the genesis of the whole situation was that Valerie's husband:
- who clearly did get his gig to Niger because his wife was involved
- whose actual verbal report to the CIA, as determined by the 911 commission, did support the administration's suspicions about Saddam's intentions
- who used an editorial to lie about his report to the CIA to try to discredit the administration.
Wilson should have been prosecuted for revealing his classified report but of course if you actually lie about your report, you didn't actually release it, did you? Besides, under "Sandy Bergler" rules, you can steal and destroy actual classified information to protect a Democrat Prez, but if you try to defend a Republican Prez, whoa! There's a crime!
I respect your sentiments. but there are quite a few commentors above that suggest what Bush did was illegal. I would not have written my comments if those comments weren't there.
1) No. It is my argument that Wilson's editorial by itself effectively ended any undercover career of his wife, if such were not already over.
2) The logical rejoinder to an argument from authority is an ad hominem. It is of considerable relevance.
3) It would also be destructive of our national security to let false claims of dishonesty and malfeasance go unanswered.
4) The illegality remains in question. Note also that Armitage has not been prosecuted.
You need to look again. Federal sentencing guidelines have the force of law. Judges cannot just ignore them when it strikes their fancy. Next?
I think Bush's commutation statement clearly indicates that he believes that Libby was properly indicted for lying to investigators and the grand jury because "our entire system of justice relies on people telling the truth. And if a person does not tell the truth, particularly if he serves in government and holds the public trust, he must be held accountable."
If he instead secretly believed that "the prosecution of Libby would not have happened under ordinary nonpolitical circumstances where a prosecutor has discretion as to what merits prosecution and no need to justify his assignment by taking on an unmerited or marginal prosecution in a given matter," that statement would be a lie.
But let's turn it around: what in his commutation statement supports your view?
The odd thing is, Bush said he respected the jury's verdict. What he overruled was the imprisonment part of Libby's sentence--something the trial judge set, and the appellate judges refused to stay during appeal.
It is of course special treatment. It is a political act aimed at Libby's strong supporters. A way to bring them back a little into the fold after the immigration fiasco. No political downside, the President's ratings are as low as they can go.
It is naive to think that presidents and governors exercise their extraordinary powers based on clear eyed analysis of the legal and ethical pros and cons. Pardons and commutations of people in actual need of such are always political acts.
That's clearly an attempt to lead on to believe that Libby did it, or someone in the OVP did it. Instead, we know, as did Fitz when this started, that Armitage did it.
Armitage, to this point not indicted, did the outing.
We don't know why Fitz gave him a pass. Couldn't get to Bush through Armitage? Plame wasn't covert so Armitage couldn't be indicted? We don't know. But we do know that Armitage was the leaker and that he kept his mouth shut through all this folderol about Libby. Except for telling Fitz, I mean. In advance.
The reason for mentioning the Rich pardon is not to say that two wrongs don't make a right. The next step in the argument is so obvious that the argument maker doesn't think it's necessary to state it. But I will. The next step is to make the point that if you said nothing about Rich, you have no moral standing to complain about Libby. Your pretense to be interested in principle is a lie. You're a partisan hack.
If you insist you're interested in principle, please explain how the two are sufficiently similar, but still different enough that you weren't required by principle to complain about Rich.
Shouldn't you be happy that he's coming closer to your views on the appropriateness of the judicious use of his pardon powers?
First, Armitrage was A leaker. THE leaker is incorrect.
Second, the problem with raising Rich is that no one here is offering to defend the Rich pardon. And until someone does, your point about moral standing is irrelevant.
HUH???
Wilson was neither active in the ambassadorial corps nor was he 'researching WMDs.' He was a former ambassador, currently businessperson/consultant, sent by the CIA* to check out a specific story about Saddam acquiring yellowcake from Niger. He was covering ground already covered by the then-official Ambassador to Niger, and came up with the same result.
BTW, why don't you look up that official Ambassador's husband, and tell me what he does for a living. Tell me if you can infer, from whatever information you find about him, whether he, too, is a covert op.
In fact, why not go whole hog? Check out all the ambassadors currently serving, and their spouses - and their kids, while you're at it - and tell me which of them is a covert op. Since you're so sure anyone could figure it out just with the facts available to the public.
*Valerie Plame's notes indicate that she was following up on a comment made previous to that meeting - not by her, but by another person in the Agency - suggesting Joe Wilson for the job. All she said was that he did have expertise and contacts in Niger, and that he might be helpful. She didn't say how he might be helpful, and in fact wasn't keen on him going to Niger himself; for all we know, shat she meant was that he could recommend someone else.
In the IIPA world, it is very hard to get more than one leaker. About the only way is for nobody to listen to, or pass on, the leak. Once it's public, others who mention it are not liable. But Armitage told Novak. Anyway, where's the investigation about the leak.
ATR, if this were a blog for mechanical engineeers, you'd still look like a lawyer. But not a good one. Your reframing a point to pretend you answered it is too transparent.
I didn't say anything about "defending" the Rich pardon. I said complaining about. Didn't do the one, have no standing to do the other, unless you can, as I say, explain why the principles are the same but different enough that letting Rich go uncomplained about fits the principle.
Jump right in.
Bush agrees that perjury is serious, but he studiously uses the terms "Others" and "They" for the points specifically concerning Libby's guilt, because Bush does not choose to say that he thinks Libby is guilty:
"Others point out that a jury of citizens weighed all the evidence and listened to all the testimony and found Mr. Libby guilty of perjury and obstructing justice. They argue, correctly, that our entire system of justice relies on people telling the truth. And if a person does not tell the truth, particularly if he serves in government and holds the public trust, he must be held accountable. They say that had Mr. Libby only told the truth, he would have never been indicted in the first place."
Bush is no more attached to the position that Cheney is truly guilty than he was to the positions of Fitzgerald critics which he listed in the previous paragraph.
Granted, Bush likewise does not say that he thinks the prosecution was an overreach. I would not expect him to say so: He is not an idiot, and this was not an off-the-cuff remark, but rather a carefully crafted written statement.
Bush does say the sentence was excessive. It is not a lie for him to not list all the reasons for his thinking so.
Naturally different people will notice different statements and come to different inferences. For example, "I made it clear to the White House staff and anyone serving in my administration that I expected full cooperation with the Justice Department" is not obviously relevant to the commutation. It could have been put in there exclusively for PR purposes, or it could also be part of the reason for the commutation, as I believe.
I actually have no idea what budget Fitzgerald has, and I have no reason to believe he needs a budget increase.
As for Armitrage, to my knowledge he has cooperated with the investigation.
As for the IIPA, you are wrong. You can have a conspiracy to commit an IIPA violation.
As for complaining about Rich--are you seriously suggesting that every time a person complains about one bad use of the pardon power, they also have to enumerate a list of all the other pardons in the history of the Republic that they think are bad? That is a silly argument. But if you can find someone actually defending the Rich pardon, I invite you to have at them.
Pardon me for thinking a man's writing in the NY Times that he was in Africa researching attempted uranium purchases means he has outed himself as a researcher of WMDs, such that his wife might have trouble secretly doing so in the future.
"They argue, correctly ...."
But hey, far be it from me to stop you from subsituting your preferred commutation statement for the one the President actually provided.
First, do your research into all the other ambassadors, their public utterances, their spouses and adult children, and get back to me with a list of which ones are covert ops.
Re: "Politically motivated" how?
Joe Wilson started the politics by joining the Kerry campaign in May 2003 and writing an op ed for the NYT claiming that VP Cheney had sent him on a mission to Africa in 2002 to verify the Iraq sought nuclear materials from Niger. Wilson claimed in his op ed that there was no evidence in Africa that Iraq had sought nuclear materials.
Cheney went public to refute Wilson’s claims that Cheney sent Wilson and that no evidence was found of Iraq’s inquiries. Cheney revealed that Wilson’s wife, who worked for the CIA, had recommended that Wilson make the trip.
The politics here is that the Wilson – Plame axis in the CIA was and is anti-Republican and anti-Bush and was out to defame the Bush war decisions and to protect its own hide for delivering erroneous intelligence to the NSC and to Congress. Having Wilson go public was very useful to the CIA, especially the division where his wife worked — because it served to shift blame for failed "slam dunk" intelligence claims away from the agency. To say that Bush "twisted" intelligence was to presume — falsely — that the CIA had gotten it right.
Then Novak revealed that Wilson’s wife was named Plame, and Novak inferred that she was an agent.
Politics took over again when the NYT egged on by such objective observers as Chuck Shumer demanded an investigation. Eager to cover its tail again the CIA demanded a criminal probe too — and then itself broke the law by leaking that news.
The CIA obviously knew the facts of the case. CIA's entire referral was dishonest. It was political. The agency knew Plame wasn't a covert agent under the terms of the law, because she hadn't had an overseas posting in the past five years.
So the politics was that of Democrat operatives in the CIA, the NYT, the Senate, and possibly the State Department on a vendetta to get Rove, Cheney, and/or Bush. Had the investigation been able to prove that Cheney or Bush lied about the intelligence and/or purposely revealed the identity of a covert agent (thereby risking his/her life) for political purposes, Articles of Impeachment would have been next. It’s that simple.
And Randy R … after all this we know that:
1 V Plame was not a covert agent or operations officer under the law.
2 Her cover was blown by Richard Armitage of the State Department.
3 Blowing her cover did not put her at risk or anyone else at risk because her husband by writing the op ed could have put her affiliation at risk. He knew there was no risk.
4 Bush kept his word. R Armatage is not working for Bush anymore.
5 Libby was fired. Unfortunately, he was the wrong person.
The problem with your narrative is you don't explain how the "Democrat operatives" in question got a Republican-appointed prosecutor and a series of Republican-appointed judges to go along with them.
Also, the CIA and Fitzgerald continue to allege that Plame WAS a covert agent under the law. The talking point that she was not has always been unfounded speculation.
The only person I can think of who's ever defended Marc Rich is his lawyer. But he's just an irrelevant footnote to history, some guy named Lewis Libby who, if I recall correctly, narrowly avoided prison himself through similar means.
So, no, nobody's defending Marc Rich.
Shouldn't you be happy that he's coming closer to your views on the appropriateness of the judicious use of his pardon powers?
If Bush feels "close to" this case, then it seems to me he has an obligation to feel close to lots of other cases that involve genuine hard luck cases. The chances Bush will do this with his remaining term in office are virtually zero, though.
I obviously cannot speak for Orin but I do believe the President should be more liberal in his pardoning power. However, he also has the obligation to be even-handed in the exercise of powers which he clearly was not. Selectively pardoning friends and supporters is worse than the status quo because, first of all, it is an affront to the principles of fairness and equality under the law. Second of all, most fair-minded people can agree that the Federal justice system can be particularly unforgiving and harsh in its treatment of people. To the extent that politically connected people get any kind of break from the rigid inflexibility of the system, it doesn't give them an incentive to press for reform. The less of a chance you have of being subjected to the rules you advocate for everyone else, the more likely you are to advocate harsh rules.
Finally, if Martha Stewart can do her time for lying to federal investigators, so can Libby. The commutation is downright offensive.
Still's narrative certainly explains why the CIA insists--if they do, which to date they have not detailed--that Plame was covert. If they admit she was not, they have no beef with the administration in which they can make themselves look like the victims. This is Still's point, as I see it.
Read an article by a recent intel exec--Seabury or Codevilla, too late to go back and get it again but I may try tomorrow--to the extent that as recently as 2003, all the CIA's foreign sources turned out to be controlled by foreigners, which is not exactly what foreign sources is supposed to mean. IF this is even remotely the case, active CYA would be indicated. Libby is a victim.
Should I infer from this that you do object to the Libby example, or is it that you're OK with Rich?
Republicans always want to do the right thing, so when Ashcroft was accused of being a Bush appointee, and therefore not unbiased, he did the right thing and appointed an independent, some would say rogue, prosecutor. Once appointed the prosecutor had to get somebody. As for the judges, when the under-informed jurors said "guilty" the judges had to deliver a lesson to the "high and mighty."
Of course they continue to make such claims. That's part of the politics. If Fitzgerald could prove that law was broken, why didn't he??
He did. That's why Libby was <i>convicted</i> and <i>sentenced</i> to 30 months in prison.
What's so hard to understand about <i>lying</i> and <i>obstruction of justice</i>?
He did. That's why Libby was convicted and sentenced to 30 months in prison.
What's so hard to understand about lying and obstruction of justice?
The problem with your list, Riley, is that your #1-3 are dead wrong. The CIA has insisted that Plame was an undercover operative at the time she was outed. Her cover was blown by at least 3 different people: Armitage, Rove, and Libby--the issue was whether or not her cover was blown illegally, which requires both knowledge of her status and malicious motive. During the questioning, Libby lied repeatedly and blatantly to investigators, making it impossible to determine whether the initial act was criminal or not. Because her cover was blown, everyone she ever worked with while undercover is now also exposed. And Joe Wilson did not out his wife in his op ed.
What standard did the three judge panel use in evaluating that?
Abuse of discretion?
It is widely known that facts have a liberal bias. Your insistence on bringing facts to the discussion indicates that you have a liberal bias as well.
We just don't agree on the facts. Unfortunately, Fitzgerald never exposed these facts to cross examination in public, so we will just have to beg to differ.
I do agree that Bush should have pardoned Libby, not commuted the sentence, if the reason was that the prosecution was politically motivated (as it appears to have been). I suspect that the goal was enable Libby to continue his appeals.
Right. You keep asserting things that have no evidentiary basis as "facts". For instance: "V Plame was not a covert agent or operations officer under the law. " You have nothing to back up that assertion. Nothing. (BTW, it may be true, but unless you have access to information that is not in the public domain you cannot make that assertion.)
Granted, it would be convienent for your world view for it to be true, but that doesn't make it so.
Yes, we disagree on the facts. But that's because your "facts" are a post-hoc construction to arrive at a predetermined conclusion that affirms things you want to believe.
Investigators don't know for sure if it was a crime or not, because Libby's cover up worked. They nailed him for the cover up, which they could prove in court.
Same thing happened to Alger Hiss. He was not convicted of spying, but of lying to investigators about his activities.
But again, for the record, Plame WAS covert. The CIA themselves said so.
So unless you have a better source than the CIA, I think some folks had better man up and admit this particular fact.
Again, for those not paying close attention: the CIA has already confirmed that Plame was covert when her name was leaked.
Bonus points for dropping the "there was no underlying crime" talking point. After all, perjury and onstruction of justice are crimes enough, in themselves.
Nor can I honestly understand how you think the prosecution was political- as many have previously pointed out he was prosecuted by a republican appointed prosecutor before republican appointed judges. Not to mention he was found guilty by a jury, which I hope your aren't suggested found him guilty for political reasons.
Also, are you seriously suggesting that it's okay to lie under oath- so long as it's not to cover up a crime. The problem with this of course is that the prosecutor frequently cannot prove the crime, because the perjury has covered it up.
Has it? By which I mean, is the CIA use of the word "covert" the same meaning of the word "covert" as used in the Intelligence Identity Protection Act?
Doesn't Fitzgerald have to prove she was "covert" as used in the Intelligence Identity Protection Act?
Doesn't a defendant have the right to contest whether she was in fact "covert" as used in the Intelligence Identity Protection Act, or does the CIA assertion end the discussion?
Where did Libby ever get the opportunity to contest whether she was "covert" as used in the Intelligence Identity Protection Act?
What was released was not her actual employment record, which would presumably be a business record, nor was it part of her employment record. It was a summary prepared by somebody who supposedly saw her actual employment record. Doesn't a defendant get the opportunity to test the accuracy of the summary by examining the person(s) who prepared it?
In the summary, when it says "Ms. Wilson was a covert employee for whom the CIA was taking affirmative measures to conceal her intelligence relationship to the US" - isn't that a bunch of legal conclusions, as opposed to facts?
With respect to the "there was no underlying crime", I ask this: Since Fitzgerald's charge was to find out who leaked Plame's status to the press and so "outed" her, and since Armitage and Colin Powell said Fitzgerald was told on his first day on the job that Armitage outed her, why did Fitzgerald continue on for another two years? Why did he put Judith Miller in the can?
You're claiming that when Bush's people (Libby, Rove and Fleischer, in particular) discussed Plame's CIA employment with reporters, that this was simply a legitimate effort to provide a "logical rejoinder" to Wilson's "false claims," and that this effort was necessary to protect our "national security."
Trouble is, all those folks insisted on standing behind a curtain. For example, Libby specifically instructed Judith Miller with regard to how he wanted his identity to be hidden. Simple question: why? If they believed there was nothing wrong with discussing Plame with reporters, and if they believed they were simply providing a "logical rejoinder" to Wilson, then why the secrecy? Why not just go on the record and say Wilson was wrong, and his trip didn't mean anything, because he had been sent on a junket by his wife?
If all this was the true and proper "rejoinder" to Wilson, and if Plame's employment status wasn't classified information, then why the hiding?
This question is seldom asked and never answered (as far as I can tell), so hopefully you or someone else here can solve the puzzle.
OK, I get it. Wrong for one means wrong for the other.
So then you think Clinton didn't deserve punishment either, right?
Nor were there criticisms forwarded against the Rich pardon from certain partisan quarters, which gets more to the point since people now are presenting themselves as standing upon moral/legal principle, principle decidedly lacking from those same quarters when Clinton's 140+ pardons - including pardons for those who had been convicted of perjury, fraud and making false statements - were making news. In sum, I wouldn't make very much of either the Clinton or the GWB pardons and commutations, but that is more or less the point, especially so given players such as Joseph Wilson and R. Armitage and what they represent within the wider political soap opera. The entire country could use a pardon, a reprieve, from such machinations and antics.
Simple fact is, what the Pres. did today conforms to the spirit and the tenets of justice and mercy both, fully within respect for the rule of law.
Now, lets compare perjury cases. Libby was convicted of perjury, and many people on one side said something like: Hey, all he did was lie about what was said!
Clinton was accused of perjury and many people said something like: Hey, all he lied about was sex! As far as I can tell, they both lied in situations that made it illegal to lie. Libby should have been convicted (and, of course, he was) and Clinton should have been impeached and removed from office.
I do believe it is a matter of principle. I could wish that the Right behaved at least a little better than the Left, since politically I tend find myself on that side most often, but wishing doesn't make it so, does it? My principles won't let me pretend that one is somehow extraordinarily different than the other.
Bottom line, both Bush and Clinton pl